The Persian Empire 559-465 BC

Herodotus 1.69-84

1.69
Croesus, then, aware of all this, sent messengers to Sparta with gifts to ask for an alliance, having instructed them what to say. They came and said: “Croesus, King of Lydia and other nations, has sent us with this message: ‘Lacedaemonians, the god has declared that I should make the Greek my friend; now, therefore, since I learn that you are the leaders of Hellas, I invite you, as the oracle bids; I would like to be your friend and ally, without deceit or guile.’” Croesus proposed this through his messengers; and the Lacedaemonians, who had already heard of the oracle given to Croesus, welcomed the coming of the Lydians and swore to be his friends and allies; and indeed they were obliged by certain benefits which they had received before from the king. For the Lacedaemonians had sent to Sardis to buy gold, intending to use it for the statue of Apollo which now stands on Thornax in Laconia; and Croesus, when they offered to buy it, made them a free gift of it.

1.70
For this reason, and because he had chosen them as his friends before all the other Greeks, the Lacedaemonians accepted the alliance. So they declared themselves ready to serve him when he should require, and moreover they made a bowl of bronze, engraved around the rim outside with figures, and large enough to hold twenty-seven hundred gallons, and brought it with the intention of making a gift in return to Croesus. [2] This bowl never reached Sardis, for which two reasons are given: the Lacedaemonians say that when the bowl was near Samos on its way to Sardis, the Samians descended upon them in warships and carried it off; [3] but the Samians themselves say that the Lacedaemonians who were bringing the bowl, coming too late, and learning that Sardis and Croesus were taken, sold it in Samos to certain private men, who set it up in the the temple of Hera. And it may be that the sellers of the bowl, when they returned to Sparta, said that they had been robbed of it by the Samians. Such are the tales about the bowl.

1.71
Croesus, mistaking the meaning of the oracle, invaded Cappadocia, expecting to destroy Cyrus and the Persian power. [2] But while he was preparing to march against the Persians, a certain Lydian, who was already held to be a wise man, and who, from the advice which he now gave, won a great name among the Lydians, advised him as follows (his name was Sandanis): “O King, you are getting ready to march against men who wear trousers of leather and whose complete wardrobe is of leather, and who eat not what they like but what they have; for their land is stony. [3] Further, they do not use wine, but drink water, have no figs to eat, or anything else that is good. Now if you conquer them, of what will you deprive them, since they have nothing? But if on the other hand you are conquered, then look how many good things you will lose; for once they have tasted of our blessings they will cling so tightly to them that nothing will pry them away. [4] For myself, then, I thank the gods that they do not put it in the heads of the Persians to march against the Lydians.” Sandanis spoke thus but he did not persuade Croesus. Indeed, before they conquered the Lydians, the Persians had no luxury and no comforts.

1.72
Now the Cappadocians are called by the Greeks Syrians, and these Syrians before the Persian rule were subjects of the Medes, and, at this time, of Cyrus. [2] For the boundary of the Median and Lydian empires was the river Halys, which flows from the Armenian mountains first through Cilicia and afterwards between the Matieni on the right and the Phrygians on the other hand; then, passing these and still flowing north, it separates the Cappadocian Syrians on the right from the Paphlagonians on the left. [3] Thus the Halys river cuts off nearly the whole of the lower part of Asia from the Cyprian to the Euxine sea. Here is the narrowest neck of all this land; the length of the journey across for a man traveling unencumbered is five days.

1.73
The reasons for Croesus’ expedition against Cappadocia were these: he desired to gain territory in addition to his own, and (these were the chief causes) he trusted the oracle and wished to avenge Astyages on Cyrus; for Cyrus, son of Cambyses, had conquered Astyages and held him in subjection. [2] Now Astyages, son of Cyaxares and the king of Media, was Croesus’ brother-in-law: and this is how he came to be so. [3] A tribe of wandering Scythians separated itself from the rest, and escaped into Median territory. This was then ruled by Cyaxares, son of Phraortes, son of Deioces. Cyaxares at first treated the Scythians kindly, as suppliants for his mercy; and, as he had a high regard for them, he entrusted boys to their tutelage to be taught their language and the skill of archery. [4] As time went on, it happened that the Scythians, who were accustomed to go hunting and always to bring something back, once had taken nothing, and when they returned empty-handed, Cyaxares treated them very roughly and contemptuously (being, as appears from this, prone to anger). [5] The Scythians, feeling themselves wronged by the treatment they had from Cyaxares, planned to take one of the boys who were their pupils and cut him in pieces; then, dressing the flesh as they were accustomed to dress the animals which they killed, to bring and give it to Cyaxares as if it were the spoils of the hunt; and after that, to make their way with all speed to Alyattes son of Sadyattes at Sardis. All this they did. [6] Cyaxares and the guests who ate with him dined on the boy’s flesh, and the Scythians, having done as they planned, fled to Alyattes for protection.

1.74
After this, since Alyattes would not give up the Scythians to Cyaxares at his demand, there was war between the Lydians and the Medes for five years; each won many victories over the other, and once they fought a battle by night. [2] They were still warring with equal success, when it happened, at an encounter which occurred in the sixth year, that during the battle the day was suddenly turned to night. Thales of Miletus had foretold this loss of daylight to the Ionians, fixing it within the year in which the change did indeed happen.1 [3] So when the Lydians and Medes saw the day turned to night, they stopped fighting, and both were the more eager to make peace. Those who reconciled them were Syennesis the Cilician and Labynetus the Babylonian; [4] they brought it about that there should be a sworn agreement and a compact of marriage between them: they judged that Alyattes should give his daughter Aryenis to Astyages, son of Cyaxares; for without strong constraint agreements will not keep their force. [6] These nations make sworn compacts as do the Greeks; and besides, when they cut the skin of their arms, they lick each other’s blood.

1.75
Cyrus had subjugated this Astyages, then, Cyrus’ own mother’s father, for the reason which I shall presently disclose. [2] Having this reason to quarrel with Cyrus, Croesus sent to ask the oracles if he should march against the Persians; and when a deceptive answer came he thought it to be favorable to him, and so led his army into the Persian territory. [3] When he came to the river Halys, he transported his army across it—by the bridges which were there then, as I maintain; but the general belief of the Greeks is that Thales of Miletus got the army across. [4] The story is that, as Croesus did not know how his army could pass the river (as the aforesaid bridges did not yet exist then), Thales, who was in the encampment, made the river, which flowed on the left of the army, also flow on the right, in the following way. [5] Starting from a point on the river upstream from the camp, he dug a deep semi-circular trench, so that the stream, turned from its ancient course, would flow in the trench to the rear of the camp and, passing it, would issue into its former bed, with the result that as soon as the river was thus divided into two, both channels could be forded. [6] Some even say that the ancient channel dried up altogether. But I do not believe this; for in that case, how did they pass the river when they were returning?

1.76
Passing over with his army, Croesus then came to the part of Cappadocia called Pteria (it is the strongest part of this country and lies on the line of the city of Sinope on the Euxine sea), where he encamped and devastated the farms of the Syrians; [2] and he took and enslaved the city of the Pterians, and took all the places around it also, and drove the Syrians from their homes, though they had done him no harm. Cyrus, mustering his army, advanced to oppose Croesus, gathering to him all those who lived along the way. [3] But before beginning his march, he sent heralds to the Ionians to try to draw them away from Croesus. The Ionians would not be prevailed on; but when Cyrus arrived and encamped face to face with Croesus, there in the Pterian country the armies had a trial of strength. [4] The fighting was fierce, many on both sides fell, and at nightfall they disengaged with neither side victorious. The two sides contended thus.

1.77
Croesus was not content with the size of his force, for his army that had engaged was far smaller than that of Cyrus; therefore, when on the day after the battle Cyrus did not try attacking again, he marched away to Sardis, intending to summon the Egyptians in accordance with their treaty [2] (for before making an alliance with the Lacedaemonians he had made one also with Amasis king of Egypt), and to send for the Babylonians also (for with these too he had made an alliance, Labynetus at this time being their sovereign), [3] and to summon the Lacedaemonians to join him at a fixed time. He had in mind to muster all these forces and assemble his own army, then to wait until the winter was over and march against the Persians at the beginning of spring. [4] With such an intention, as soon as he returned to Sardis, he sent heralds to all his allies, summoning them to assemble at Sardis in five months’ time; and as for the soldiers whom he had with him, who had fought with the Persians, all of them who were mercenaries he discharged, never thinking that after a contest so equal Cyrus would march against Sardis.

1.78
This was how Croesus reasoned. Meanwhile, snakes began to swarm in the outer part of the city; and when they appeared the horses, leaving their accustomed pasture, devoured them. When Croesus saw this he thought it a portent, and so it was. [2] He at once sent to the homes of the Telmessian interpreters,1 to inquire concerning it; but though his messengers came and learned from the Telmessians what the portent meant, they could not bring back word to Croesus, for he was a prisoner before they could make their voyage back to Sardis. [3] Nonetheless, this was the judgment of the Telmessians: that Croesus must expect a foreign army to attack his country, and that when it came, it would subjugate the inhabitants of the land: for the snake, they said, was the offspring of the land, but the horse was an enemy and a foreigner. This was the answer which the Telmessians gave Croesus, knowing as yet nothing of the fate of Sardis and of the king himself; but when they gave it, Croesus was already taken.

1.79
When Croesus marched away after the battle in the Pterian country, Cyrus, learning that Croesus had gone intending to disband his army, deliberated and perceived that it would be opportune for him to march quickly against Sardis, before the power of the Lydians could be assembled again. [2] This he decided, and this he did immediately; he marched his army into Lydia and so came himself to bring the news of it to Croesus. All had turned out contrary to Croesus’ expectation, and he was in a great quandary; nevertheless, he led out the Lydians to battle. [3] Now at this time there was no nation in Asia more valiant or warlike than the Lydian. It was their custom to fight on horseback, carrying long spears, and they were skillful at managing horses.

1.80
So the armies met in the plain, wide and bare, that is before the city of Sardis: the Hyllus and other rivers flow across it and run violently together into the greatest of them, which is called Hermus (this flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother Dindymene1 and empties into the sea near the city of Phocaea). [2] When Cyrus saw the Lydians maneuvering their battle-lines here, he was afraid of their cavalry, and therefore at the urging of one Harpagus, a Mede, he did as I shall describe. Assembling all the camels that followed his army bearing food and baggage, he took off their burdens and mounted men upon them equipped like cavalrymen; having equipped them, he ordered them to advance before his army against Croesus’ cavalry; he directed the infantry to follow the camels, and placed all his cavalry behind the infantry. [3] When they were all in order, he commanded them to kill all the other Lydians who came in their way, and spare none, but not to kill Croesus himself, even if he should defend himself against capture. [4] Such was his command. The reason for his posting the camels to face the cavalry was this: horses fear camels and can endure neither the sight nor the smell of them; this then was the intention of his maneuver, that Croesus’ cavalry, on which the Lydian relied to distinguish himself, might be of no use. [5] So when battle was joined, as soon as the horses smelled and saw the camels they turned to flight, and all Croesus’ hope was lost. [6] Nevertheless the Lydians were no cowards; when they saw what was happening, they leaped from their horses and fought the Persians on foot. Many of both armies fell; at length the Lydians were routed and driven within their city wall, where they were besieged by the Persians.

1.81
So then they were besieged. But Croesus, supposing that the siege would last a long time, again sent messengers from the city to his allies; whereas the former envoys had been sent to summon them to muster at Sardis in five months’ time, these were to announce that Croesus was besieged and to plead for help as quickly as possible.

1.82
So he sent to the Lacedaemonians as well as to the rest of the allies. Now at this very time the Spartans themselves were feuding with the Argives over the country called Thyrea; [2] for this was a part of the Argive territory which the Lacedaemonians had cut off and occupied. (All the land towards the west, as far as Malea, belonged then to the Argives, and not only the mainland, but the island of Cythera and the other islands.) [3] The Argives came out to save their territory from being cut off, then after debate the two armies agreed that three hundred of each side should fight, and whichever party won would possess the land. The rest of each army was to go away to its own country and not be present at the battle, since, if the armies remained on the field, the men of either party might render assistance to their comrades if they saw them losing. [4] Having agreed, the armies drew off, and picked men of each side remained and fought. Neither could gain advantage in the battle; at last, only three out of the six hundred were left, Alcenor and Chromios of the Argives, Othryades of the Lacedaemonians: these three were left alive at nightfall. [5] Then the two Argives, believing themselves victors, ran to Argos; but Othryades the Lacedaemonian, after stripping the Argive dead and taking the arms to his camp, waited at his position. On the second day both armies came to learn the issue. [6] For a while both claimed the victory, the Argives arguing that more of their men had survived, the Lacedaemonians showing that the Argives had fled, while their man had stood his ground and stripped the enemy dead. [7] At last from arguing they fell to fighting; many of both sides fell, but the Lacedaemonians gained the victory. The Argives, who before had worn their hair long by fixed custom, shaved their heads ever after and made a law, with a curse added to it, that no Argive grow his hair, and no Argive woman wear gold, until they recovered Thyreae; [8] and the Lacedaemonians made a contrary law, that they wear their hair long ever after; for until now they had not worn it so. Othryades, the lone survivor of the three hundred, was ashamed, it is said, to return to Sparta after all the men of his company had been killed, and killed himself on the spot at Thyreae.

1.83
The Sardian herald came after this had happened to the Spartans to ask for their help for Croesus, now besieged; nonetheless, when they heard the herald, they prepared to send help; but when they were already equipped and their ships ready, a second message came that the fortification of the Lydians was taken and Croesus a prisoner. Then, though very sorry indeed, they ceased their efforts.

1.84
This is how Sardis was taken. When Croesus had been besieged for fourteen days, Cyrus sent horsemen around in his army to promise to reward whoever first mounted the wall. [2] After this the army made an assault, but with no success. Then, when all the others were stopped, a certain Mardian1 called Hyroeades attempted to mount by a part of the acropolis where no guard had been set, since no one feared that it could be taken by an attack made here. [3] For here the height on which the acropolis stood is sheer and unlikely to be assaulted; this was the only place where Meles the former king of Sardis had not carried the lion which his concubine had borne him, the Telmessians having declared that if this lion were carried around the walls, Sardis could never be taken. Meles then carried the lion around the rest of the wall of the acropolis where it could be assaulted, but neglected this place, because the height was sheer and defied attack. It is on the side of the city which faces towards Tmolus. [4] The day before, then, Hyroeades, this Mardian, had seen one of the Lydians come down by this part of the acropolis after a helmet that had fallen down, and fetch it; he took note of this and considered it. [5] And now he climbed up himself, and other Persians after him. Many ascended, and thus Sardis was taken and all the city sacked.

Herodotus, with an English translation by A. D. Godley. Cambridge. Harvard University Press. 1920.

From: http://perseus.tufts.edu

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

Herodotus 1.25-59

1.25
Alyattes the Lydian, his war with the Milesians finished, died after a reign of fifty-seven years.He was the second of his family to make an offering to Delphi (after recovering from his illness) of a great silver bowl on a stand of welded iron. Among all the offerings at Delphi, this is the most worth seeing, and is the work of Glaucus the Chian, the only one of all men who discovered how to weld iron.

1.26
After the death of Alyattes, his son Croesus, then thirty-five years of age, came to the throne1. The first Greeks whom he attacked were the Ephesians. These, besieged by him, dedicated their city to Artemis; they did this by attaching a rope to the city wall from the temple of the goddess, which stood seven stades away from the ancient city which was then besieged. These were the first whom Croesus attacked; afterwards he made war on the Ionian and Aeolian cities in turn, upon different pretexts: he found graver charges where he could, but sometimes alleged very petty grounds of offense.

1.27
Then, when he had subjugated all the Asiatic Greeks of the mainland and made them tributary to him, he planned to build ships and attack the islanders; but when his preparations for shipbuilding were underway, either Bias of Priene or Pittacus of Mytilene (the story is told of both) came to Sardis and, asked by Croesus for news about Hellas, put an end to the shipbuilding by giving the following answer: “O King, the islanders are buying ten thousand horse, intending to march to Sardis against you.” Croesus, thinking that he spoke the truth, said: “Would that the gods would put this in the heads of the islanders, to come on horseback against the sons of the Lydians!” Then the other answered and said: “O King, you appear to me earnestly to wish to catch the islanders riding horses on the mainland, a natural wish. And what else do you suppose the islanders wished, as soon as they heard that you were building ships to attack them, than to catch Lydians on the seas, so as to be revenged on you for the Greeks who dwell on the mainland, whom you enslaved?” Croesus was quite pleased with this conclusion, for he thought the man spoke reasonably and, heeding him, stopped building ships. Thus he made friends with the Ionians inhabiting the islands.

1.28
As time went on, Croesus subjugated almost all the nations west of the Halys; for except the Cilicians and Lycians, all the rest Croesus held subject under him. These were the Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynians, Chalybes, Paphlagonians, the Thracian Thynians and Bithynians, Carians, Ionians, Dorians, Aeolians, and Pamphylians;

1.29
and after these were subdued and subject to Croesus in addition to the Lydians, all the sages from Hellas who were living at that time, coming in different ways, came to Sardis, which was at the height of its property; and among them came Solon the Athenian, who, after making laws for the Athenians at their request, went abroad for ten years, sailing forth to see the world, he said. This he did so as not to be compelled to repeal any of the laws he had made, since the Athenians themselves could not do that, for they were bound by solemn oaths to abide for ten years by whatever laws Solon should make.

1.30
So for that reason, and to see the world, Solon went to visit Amasis in Egypt and then to Croesus in Sardis. When he got there, Croesus entertained him in the palace, and on the third or fourth day Croesus told his attendants to show Solon around his treasures, and they pointed out all those things that were great and blest. After Solon had seen everything and had thought about it, Croesus found the opportunity to say, “My Athenian guest, we have heard a lot about you because of your wisdom and of your wanderings, how as one who loves learning you have traveled much of the world for the sake of seeing it, so now I desire to ask you who is the most fortunate man you have seen.” Croesus asked this question believing that he was the most fortunate of men, but Solon, offering no flattery but keeping to the truth, said, “O King, it is Tellus the Athenian.” Croesus was amazed at what he had said and replied sharply, “In what way do you judge Tellus to be the most fortunate?” Solon said, “Tellus was from a prosperous city, and his children were good and noble. He saw children born to them all, and all of these survived. His life was prosperous by our standards, and his death was most glorious: when the Athenians were fighting their neighbors in Eleusis, he came to help, routed the enemy, and died very finely. The Athenians buried him at public expense on the spot where he fell and gave him much honor.”

1.31
When Solon had provoked him by saying that the affairs of Tellus were so fortunate, Croesus asked who he thought was next, fully expecting to win second prize. Solon answered, “Cleobis and Biton. They were of Argive stock, had enough to live on, and on top of this had great bodily strength. Both had won prizes in the athletic contests, and this story is told about them: there was a festival of Hera in Argos, and their mother absolutely had to be conveyed to the temple by a team of oxen. But their oxen had not come back from the fields in time, so the youths took the yoke upon their own shoulders under constraint of time. They drew the wagon, with their mother riding atop it, traveling five miles until they arrived at the temple. When they had done this and had been seen by the entire gathering, their lives came to an excellent end, and in their case the god made clear that for human beings it is a better thing to die than to live. The Argive men stood around the youths and congratulated them on their strength; the Argive women congratulated their mother for having borne such children. She was overjoyed at the feat and at the praise, so she stood before the image and prayed that the goddess might grant the best thing for man to her children Cleobis and Biton, who had given great honor to the goddess. After this prayer they sacrificed and feasted. The youths then lay down in the temple and went to sleep and never rose again; death held them there. The Argives made and dedicated at Delphi statues of them as being the best of men.”

1.32
Thus Solon granted second place in happiness to these men. Croesus was vexed and said, “My Athenian guest, do you so much despise our happiness that you do not even make us worth as much as common men?” Solon replied, “Croesus, you ask me about human affairs, and I know that the divine is entirely grudging and troublesome to us. In a long span of time it is possible to see many things that you do not want to, and to suffer them, too. I set the limit of a man’s life at seventy years; these seventy years have twenty-five thousand, two hundred days, leaving out the intercalary month.1 But if you make every other year longer by one month, so that the seasons agree opportunely, then there are thirty-five intercalary months during the seventy years, and from these months there are one thousand fifty days. Out of all these days in the seventy years, all twenty-six thousand, two hundred and fifty of them, not one brings anything at all like another. So, Croesus, man is entirely chance. To me you seem to be very rich and to be king of many people, but I cannot answer your question before I learn that you ended your life well. The very rich man is not more fortunate than the man who has only his daily needs, unless he chances to end his life with all well. Many very rich men are unfortunate, many of moderate means are lucky. The man who is very rich but unfortunate surpasses the lucky man in only two ways, while the lucky surpasses the rich but unfortunate in many. The rich man is more capable of fulfilling his appetites and of bearing a great disaster that falls upon him, and it is in these ways that he surpasses the other. The lucky man is not so able to support disaster or appetite as is the rich man, but his luck keeps these things away from him, and he is free from deformity and disease, has no experience of evils, and has fine children and good looks. If besides all this he ends his life well, then he is the one whom you seek, the one worthy to be called fortunate. But refrain from calling him fortunate before he dies; call him lucky. It is impossible for one who is only human to obtain all these things at the same time, just as no land is self-sufficient in what it produces. Each country has one thing but lacks another; whichever has the most is the best. Just so no human being is self-sufficient; each person has one thing but lacks another. Whoever passes through life with the most and then dies agreeably is the one who, in my opinion, O King, deserves to bear this name. It is necessary to see how the end of every affair turns out, for the god promises fortune to many people and then utterly ruins them.”

1.33
By saying this, Solon did not at all please Croesus, who sent him away without regard for him, but thinking him a great fool, because he ignored the present good and told him to look to the end of every affair.

1.34
But after Solon’s departure divine retribution fell heavily on Croesus; as I guess, because he supposed himself to be blessed beyond all other men. Directly, as he slept, he had a dream, which showed him the truth of the evil things which were going to happen concerning his son. He had two sons, one of whom was ruined, for he was mute, but the other, whose name was Atys, was by far the best in every way of all of his peers. The dream showed this Atys to Croesus, how he would lose him struck and killed by a spear of iron. So Croesus, after he awoke and considered, being frightened by the dream, brought in a wife for his son, and although Atys was accustomed to command the Lydian armies, Croesus now would not send him out on any such enterprise, while he took the javelins and spears and all such things that men use for war from the men’s apartments and piled them in his store room, lest one should fall on his son from where it hung.

1.35
Now while Croesus was occupied with the marriage of his son, a Phrygian of the royal house came to Sardis, in great distress and with unclean hands. This man came to Croesus’ house, and asked to be purified according to the custom of the country; so Croesus purified him (the Lydians have the same manner of purification as the Greeks), and when he had done everything customary, he asked the Phrygian where he came from and who he was: “Friend,” he said, “who are you, and from what place in Phrygia do you come as my suppliant? And what man or woman have you killed?” “O King,” the man answered, “I am the son of Gordias the son of Midas, and my name is Adrastus; I killed my brother accidentally, and I come here banished by my father and deprived of all.” Croesus answered, “All of your family are my friends, and you have come to friends, where you shall lack nothing, staying in my house. As for your misfortune, bear it as lightly as possible and you will gain most.”

1.36
So Adrastus lived in Croesus’ house. About this same time a great monster of a boar appeared on the Mysian Olympus, who would come off that mountain and ravage the fields of the Mysians. The Mysians had gone up against him often; but they never did him any harm but were hurt by him themselves. At last they sent messengers to Croesus, with this message: “O King, a great monster of a boar has appeared in the land, who is destroying our fields; for all our attempts, we cannot kill him; so now we ask you to send your son and chosen young men and dogs with us, so that we may drive him out of the country.” Such was their request, but Croesus remembered the prophecy of his dream and answered them thus: “Do not mention my son again: I will not send him with you. He is newly married, and that is his present concern. But I will send chosen Lydians, and all the huntsmen, and I will tell those who go to be as eager as possible to help you to drive the beast out of the country.”

1.37
This was his answer, and the Mysians were satisfied with it. But the son of Croesus now entered, having heard what the Mysians had asked for; and when Croesus refused to send his son with them, the young man said, “Father, it was once thought very fine and noble for us to go to war and the chase and win renown; but now you have barred me from both of these, although you have seen neither cowardice nor lack of spirit in me. With what face can I now show myself whenever I go to and from the market-place? What will the men of the city think of me, and what my newly wedded wife? With what kind of man will she think that she lives? So either let me go to the hunt, or show me by reasoning that what you are doing is best for me.”

1.38
“My son,” answered Croesus, “I do this not because I have seen cowardice or anything unseemly in you, but the vision of a dream stood over me in my sleep, and told me that you would be short-lived, for you would be killed by a spear of iron. It is because of that vision that I hurried your marriage and do not send you on any enterprise that I have in hand, but keep guard over you, so that perhaps I may rob death of you during my lifetime. You are my only son: for that other, since he is ruined, he doesn’t exist for me.”

1.39
“Father,” the youth replied, “no one can blame you for keeping guard over me, when you have seen such a vision; but it is my right to show you what you do not perceive, and why you mistake the meaning of the dream. You say that the dream told you that I should be killed by a spear of iron? But has a boar hands? Has it that iron spear which you dread? Had the dream said I should be killed by a tusk or some other thing proper to a boar, you would be right in acting as you act; but no, it was to be by a spear. Therefore, since it is not against men that we are to fight, let me go.”

1.40
Croesus answered, “My son, your judgment concerning the dream has somewhat reassured me; and being reassured by you, I change my thinking and permit you to go to the chase.”

1.41
Having said this, Croesus sent for Adrastus the Phrygian and when he came addressed him thus: “Adrastus, when you were struck by ugly misfortune, for which I do not blame you, it was I who cleansed you, and received and still keep you in my house, defraying all your keep. Now then, as you owe me a return of good service for the good which I have done you, I ask that you watch over my son as he goes out to the chase. See that no thieving criminals meet you on the way, to do you harm. Besides, it is only right that you too should go where you can win renown by your deeds. That is fitting for your father’s son; and you are strong enough besides.”

1.42
“O King,” Adrastus answered, “I would not otherwise have gone into such an arena. One so unfortunate as I should not associate with the prosperous among his peers; nor have I the wish so to do, and for many reasons I would have held back. But now, since you urge it and I must please you (since I owe you a return of good service), I am ready to do this; and as for your son, in so far as I can protect him, look for him to come back unharmed.”

1.43
So when Adrastus had answered Croesus thus, they went out provided with chosen young men and dogs. When they came to Mount Olympus, they hunted for the beast and, finding him, formed a circle and threw their spears at him: then the guest called Adrastus, the man who had been cleansed of the deed of blood, missed the boar with his spear and hit the son of Croesus. So Atys was struck by the spear and fulfilled the prophecy of the dream. One ran to tell Croesus what had happened, and coming to Sardis told the king of the fight and the fate of his son.

1.44
Distraught by the death of his son, Croesus cried out the more vehemently because the killer was one whom he himself had cleansed of blood, and in his great and terrible grief at this mischance he called on Zeus by three names—Zeus the Purifier, Zeus of the Hearth, Zeus of Comrades: the first, because he wanted the god to know what evil his guest had done him; the second, because he had received the guest into his house and thus unwittingly entertained the murderer of his son; and the third, because he had found his worst enemy in the man whom he had sent as a protector.

1.45
Soon the Lydians came, bearing the corpse, with the murderer following after. He then came and stood before the body and gave himself up to Croesus, holding out his hands and telling him to kill him over the corpse, mentioning his former misfortune, and that on top of that he had destroyed the one who purified him, and that he was not fit to live. On hearing this, Croesus took pity on Adrastus, though his own sorrow was so great, and said to him, “Friend, I have from you the entire penalty, since you sentence yourself to death. But it is not you that I hold the cause of this evil, except in so far as you were the unwilling doer of it, but one of the gods, the same one who told me long ago what was to be.” So Croesus buried his own son in such manner as was fitting. But Adrastus, son of Gordias who was son of Midas, this Adrastus, the destroyer of his own brother and of the man who purified him, when the tomb was undisturbed by the presence of men, killed himself there by the sepulcher, seeing clearly now that he was the most heavily afflicted of all whom he knew.

1.46
After the loss of his son, Croesus remained in deep sorrow for two years. After this time, the destruction by Cyrus son of Cambyses of the sovereignty of Astyages son of Cyaxares, and the growth of the power of the Persians, distracted Croesus from his mourning; and he determined, if he could, to forestall the increase of the Persian power before they became great. Having thus determined, he at once made inquiries of the Greek and Libyan oracles, sending messengers separately to Delphi, to Abae in Phocia, and to Dodona, while others were despatched to Amphiaraus and Trophonius, and others to Branchidae in the Milesian country. These are the Greek oracles to which Croesus sent for divination: and he told others to go inquire of Ammon in Libya. His intent in sending was to test the knowledge of the oracles, so that, if they were found to know the truth, he might send again and ask if he should undertake an expedition against the Persians.

1.47
And when he sent to test these shrines he gave the Lydians these instructions: they were to keep track of the time from the day they left Sardis, and on the hundredth day inquire of the oracles what Croesus, king of Lydia, son of Alyattes, was doing then; then they were to write down whatever the oracles answered and bring the reports back to him. Now none relate what answer was given by the rest of the oracles. But at Delphi, no sooner had the Lydians entered the hall to inquire of the god and asked the question with which they were entrusted, than the Pythian priestess uttered the following hexameter verses:
“I know the number of the grains of sand and the extent of the sea,
And understand the mute and hear the voiceless.
The smell has come to my senses of a strong-shelled tortoise
Boiling in a cauldron together with a lamb’s flesh,
Under which is bronze and over which is bronze.”

1.48
Having written down this inspired utterance of the Pythian priestess, the Lydians went back to Sardis. When the others as well who had been sent to various places came bringing their oracles, Croesus then unfolded and examined all the writings. Some of them in no way satisfied him. But when he read the Delphian message, he acknowledged it with worship and welcome, considering Delphi as the only true place of divination, because it had discovered what he himself had done. For after sending his envoys to the oracles, he had thought up something which no conjecture could discover, and carried it out on the appointed day: namely, he had cut up a tortoise and a lamb, and then boiled them in a cauldron of bronze covered with a lid of the same.

1.49
Such, then, was the answer from Delphi delivered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they had followed the due custom of the temple, I cannot say what it was, for nothing is recorded of it, except that Croesus believed that from this oracle too he had obtained a true answer.

1.50
After this, he tried to win the favor of the Delphian god with great sacrifices. He offered up three thousand beasts from all the kinds fit for sacrifice, and on a great pyre burnt couches covered with gold and silver, golden goblets, and purple cloaks and tunics; by these means he hoped the better to win the aid of the god, to whom he also commanded that every Lydian sacrifice what he could. When the sacrifice was over, he melted down a vast store of gold and made ingots of it, the longer sides of which were of six and the shorter of three palms’ length, and the height was one palm. There were a hundred and seventeen of these. Four of them were of refined gold, each weighing two talents and a half; the rest were of gold with silver alloy, each of two talents’ weight. He also had a figure of a lion made of refined gold, weighing ten talents. When the temple of Delphi was burnt, this lion fell from the ingots which were the base on which it stood; and now it is in the treasury of the Corinthians, but weighs only six talents and a half, for the fire melted away three and a half talents.

1.51
When these offerings were ready, Croesus sent them to Delphi, with other gifts besides: namely, two very large bowls, one of gold and one of silver. The golden bowl stood to the right, the silver to the left of the temple entrance. These too were removed about the time of the temple’s burning, and now the golden bowl, which weighs eight and a half talents and twelve minae, is in the treasury of the Clazomenians, and the silver bowl at the corner of the forecourt of the temple. This bowl holds six hundred nine-gallon measures: for the Delphians use it for a mixing-bowl at the feast of the Divine Appearance. It is said by the Delphians to be the work of Theodorus of Samos, and I agree with them, for it seems to me to be of no common workmanship. Moreover, Croesus sent four silver casks, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and dedicated two sprinkling-vessels, one of gold, one of silver. The golden vessel bears the inscription “Given by the Lacedaemonians,” who claim it as their offering. But they are wrong, for this, too, is Croesus’ gift. The inscription was made by a certain Delphian, whose name I know but do not mention, out of his desire to please the Lacedaemonians. The figure of a boy, through whose hand the water runs, is indeed a Lacedaemonian gift; but they did not give either of the sprinkling-vessels. Along with these Croesus sent, besides many other offerings of no great distinction, certain round basins of silver, and a female figure five feet high, which the Delphians assert to be the statue of the woman who was Croesus’ baker. Moreover, he dedicated his own wife’s necklaces and girdles.

1.52
Such were the gifts which he sent to Delphi. To Amphiaraus, of whose courage and fate he had heard, he dedicated a shield made entirely of gold and a spear all of solid gold, point and shaft alike. Both of these were until my time at Thebes, in the Theban temple of Ismenian Apollo.

1.53
The Lydians who were to bring these gifts to the temples were instructed by Croesus to inquire of the oracles whether he was to send an army against the Persians and whether he was to add an army of allies. When the Lydians came to the places where they were sent, they presented the offerings, and inquired of the oracles, in these words: “Croesus, king of Lydia and other nations, believing that here are the only true places of divination among men, endows you with such gifts as your wisdom deserves. And now he asks you whether he is to send an army against the Persians, and whether he is to add an army of allies.” Such was their inquiry; and the judgment given to Croesus by each of the two oracles was the same: namely, that if he should send an army against the Persians he would destroy a great empire. And they advised him to discover the mightiest of the Greeks and make them his friends.

1.54
When the divine answers had been brought back and Croesus learned of them, he was very pleased with the oracles. So, altogether expecting that he would destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent once again to Pytho and endowed the Delphians, whose number he had learned, with two gold staters apiece. The Delphians, in return, gave Croesus and all Lydians the right of first consulting the oracle, exemption from all charges, the chief seats at festivals, and perpetual right of Delphian citizenship to whoever should wish it.

1.55
After his gifts to the Delphians, Croesus made a third inquiry of the oracle, for he wanted to use it to the full, having received true answers from it; and the question which he asked was whether his sovereignty would be of long duration. To this the Pythian priestess answered as follows:
“When the Medes have a mule as king,
Just then, tender-footed Lydian, by the stone-strewn Hermus
Flee and do not stay, and do not be ashamed to be a coward.”

1.56
When he heard these verses, Croesus was pleased with them above all, for he thought that a mule would never be king of the Medes instead of a man, and therefore that he and his posterity would never lose his empire. Then he sought very carefully to discover who the mightiest of the Greeks were, whom he should make his friends. He found by inquiry that the chief peoples were the Lacedaemonians among those of Doric, and the Athenians among those of Ionic stock. These races, Ionian and Dorian, were the foremost in ancient time, the first a Pelasgian and the second a Hellenic people. The Pelasgian race has never yet left its home; the Hellenic has wandered often and far. For in the days of king Deucalion it inhabited the land of Phthia, then the country called Histiaean, under Ossa and Olympus, in the time of Dorus son of Hellen; driven from this Histiaean country by the Cadmeans, it settled about Pindus in the territory called Macedonian; from there again it migrated to Dryopia, and at last came from Dryopia into the Peloponnese, where it took the name of Dorian.

1.57
What language the Pelasgians spoke I cannot say definitely. But if one may judge by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who live above the Tyrrheni in the city of Creston—who were once neighbors of the people now called Dorians, and at that time inhabited the country which now is called Thessalian— and of the Pelasgians who inhabited Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont, who came to live among the Athenians, and by other towns too which were once Pelasgian and afterwards took a different name: if, as I said, one may judge by these, the Pelasgians spoke a language which was not Greek. If, then, all the Pelasgian stock spoke so, then the Attic nation, being of Pelasgian blood, must have changed its language too at the time when it became part of the Hellenes. For the people of Creston and Placia have a language of their own in common, which is not the language of their neighbors; and it is plain that they still preserve the manner of speech which they brought with them in their migration into the places where they live.

1.58
But the Hellenic stock, it seems clear to me, has always had the same language since its beginning; yet being, when separated from the Pelasgians, few in number, they have grown from a small beginning to comprise a multitude of nations, chiefly because the Pelasgians and many other foreign peoples united themselves with them. Before that, I think, the Pelasgic stock nowhere increased much in number while it was of foreign speech.

1.59
Now of these two peoples, Croesus learned that the Attic was held in subjection and divided into factions by Pisistratus, son of Hippocrates, who at that time was sovereign over the Athenians. This Hippocrates was still a private man when a great marvel happened to him when he was at Olympia to see the games: when he had offered the sacrifice, the vessels, standing there full of meat and water, boiled without fire until they boiled over. Chilon the Lacedaemonian, who happened to be there and who saw this marvel, advised Hippocrates not to take to his house a wife who could bear children, but if he had one already, then to send her away, and if he had a son, to disown him. Hippocrates refused to follow the advice of Chilon; and afterward there was born to him this Pisistratus, who, when there was a feud between the Athenians of the coast under Megacles son of Alcmeon and the Athenians of the plain under Lycurgus son of Aristolaides, raised up a third faction, as he coveted the sovereign power. He collected partisans and pretended to champion the uplanders, and the following was his plan. Wounding himself and his mules, he drove his wagon into the marketplace, with a story that he had escaped from his enemies, who would have killed him (so he said) as he was driving into the country. So he implored the people to give him a guard: and indeed he had won a reputation in his command of the army against the Megarians, when he had taken Nisaea and performed other great exploits. Taken in, the Athenian people gave him a guard of chosen citizens, whom Pisistratus made clubmen instead of spearmen: for the retinue that followed him carried wooden clubs. These rose with Pisistratus and took the Acropolis; and Pisistratus ruled the Athenians, disturbing in no way the order of offices nor changing the laws, but governing the city according to its established constitution and arranging all things fairly and well.

Herodotus, with an English translation by A. D. Godley. Cambridge. Harvard University Press. 1920.

From: http://perseus.tufts.edu

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

2 Chronicles 36 (NIV)

36 1 And the people of the land took Jehoahaz son of Josiah and made him king in Jerusalem in place of his father.

Jehoahaz King of Judah
2 Jehoahaz[a] was twenty-three years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem three months. 3 The king of Egypt dethroned him in Jerusalem and imposed on Judah a levy of a hundred talents[b] of silver and a talent[c] of gold. 4 The king of Egypt made Eliakim, a brother of Jehoahaz, king over Judah and Jerusalem and changed Eliakim’s name to Jehoiakim. But Necho took Eliakim’s brother Jehoahaz and carried him off to Egypt.

Jehoiakim King of Judah
5 Jehoiakim was twenty-five years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem eleven years. He did evil in the eyes of the Lord his God. 6 Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon attacked him and bound him with bronze shackles to take him to Babylon. 7 Nebuchadnezzar also took to Babylon articles from the temple of the Lord and put them in his temple[d] there.

8 The other events of Jehoiakim’s reign, the detestable things he did and all that was found against him, are written in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah. And Jehoiachin his son succeeded him as king.

Jehoiachin King of Judah
9 Jehoiachin was eighteen[e] years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem three months and ten days. He did evil in the eyes of the Lord. 10 In the spring, King Nebuchadnezzar sent for him and brought him to Babylon, together with articles of value from the temple of the Lord, and he made Jehoiachin’s uncle,[f] Zedekiah, king over Judah and Jerusalem.

Zedekiah King of Judah
11 Zedekiah was twenty-one years old when he became king, and he reigned in Jerusalem eleven years. 12 He did evil in the eyes of the Lord his God and did not humble himself before Jeremiah the prophet, who spoke the word of the Lord. 13 He also rebelled against King Nebuchadnezzar, who had made him take an oath in God’s name. He became stiff-necked and hardened his heart and would not turn to the Lord, the God of Israel. 14 Furthermore, all the leaders of the priests and the people became more and more unfaithful, following all the detestable practices of the nations and defiling the temple of the Lord, which he had consecrated in Jerusalem.

The Fall of Jerusalem
15 The Lord, the God of their ancestors, sent word to them through his messengers again and again, because he had pity on his people and on his dwelling place. 16 But they mocked God’s messengers, despised his words and scoffed at his prophets until the wrath of the Lord was aroused against his people and there was no remedy. 17 He brought up against them the king of the Babylonians,[g] who killed their young men with the sword in the sanctuary, and did not spare young men or young women, the elderly or the infirm. God gave them all into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar. 18 He carried to Babylon all the articles from the temple of God, both large and small, and the treasures of the Lord’s temple and the treasures of the king and his officials. 19 They set fire to God’s temple and broke down the wall of Jerusalem; they burned all the palaces and destroyed everything of value there.

20 He carried into exile to Babylon the remnant, who escaped from the sword, and they became servants to him and his successors until the kingdom of Persia came to power. 21 The land enjoyed its sabbath rests; all the time of its desolation it rested, until the seventy years were completed in fulfillment of the word of the Lord spoken by Jeremiah.

22 In the first year of Cyrus king of Persia, in order to fulfill the word of the Lord spoken by Jeremiah, the Lord moved the heart of Cyrus king of Persia to make a proclamation throughout his realm and also to put it in writing:

23 “This is what Cyrus king of Persia says:

“‘The Lord, the God of heaven, has given me all the kingdoms of the earth and he has appointed me to build a temple for him at Jerusalem in Judah. Any of his people among you may go up, and may the Lord their God be with them.’”

From: biblegateway.com

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

Ezra 6 (NIV)

The Decree of Darius
6 King Darius then issued an order, and they searched in the archives stored in the treasury at Babylon. 2 A scroll was found in the citadel of Ecbatana in the province of Media, and this was written on it:

Memorandum:

3 In the first year of King Cyrus, the king issued a decree concerning the temple of God in Jerusalem:

Let the temple be rebuilt as a place to present sacrifices, and let its foundations be laid. It is to be sixty cubits[a] high and sixty cubits wide, 4 with three courses of large stones and one of timbers. The costs are to be paid by the royal treasury. 5 Also, the gold and silver articles of the house of God, which Nebuchadnezzar took from the temple in Jerusalem and brought to Babylon, are to be returned to their places in the temple in Jerusalem; they are to be deposited in the house of God.

6 Now then, Tattenai, governor of Trans-Euphrates, and Shethar-Bozenai and you other officials of that province, stay away from there. 7 Do not interfere with the work on this temple of God. Let the governor of the Jews and the Jewish elders rebuild this house of God on its site.

8 Moreover, I hereby decree what you are to do for these elders of the Jews in the construction of this house of God:

Their expenses are to be fully paid out of the royal treasury, from the revenues of Trans-Euphrates, so that the work will not stop. 9 Whatever is needed—young bulls, rams, male lambs for burnt offerings to the God of heaven, and wheat, salt, wine and olive oil, as requested by the priests in Jerusalem—must be given them daily without fail, 10 so that they may offer sacrifices pleasing to the God of heaven and pray for the well-being of the king and his sons.

11 Furthermore, I decree that if anyone defies this edict, a beam is to be pulled from their house and they are to be impaled on it. And for this crime their house is to be made a pile of rubble. 12 May God, who has caused his Name to dwell there, overthrow any king or people who lifts a hand to change this decree or to destroy this temple in Jerusalem.

I Darius have decreed it. Let it be carried out with diligence.

Completion and Dedication of the Temple
13 Then, because of the decree King Darius had sent, Tattenai, governor of Trans-Euphrates, and Shethar-Bozenai and their associates carried it out with diligence. 14 So the elders of the Jews continued to build and prosper under the preaching of Haggai the prophet and Zechariah, a descendant of Iddo. They finished building the temple according to the command of the God of Israel and the decrees of Cyrus, Darius and Artaxerxes, kings of Persia. 15 The temple was completed on the third day of the month Adar, in the sixth year of the reign of King Darius.

16 Then the people of Israel—the priests, the Levites and the rest of the exiles—celebrated the dedication of the house of God with joy. 17 For the dedication of this house of God they offered a hundred bulls, two hundred rams, four hundred male lambs and, as a sin offering[b] for all Israel, twelve male goats, one for each of the tribes of Israel. 18 And they installed the priests in their divisions and the Levites in their groups for the service of God at Jerusalem, according to what is written in the Book of Moses.

The Passover
19 On the fourteenth day of the first month, the exiles celebrated the Passover. 20 The priests and Levites had purified themselves and were all ceremonially clean. The Levites slaughtered the Passover lamb for all the exiles, for their relatives the priests and for themselves. 21 So the Israelites who had returned from the exile ate it, together with all who had separated themselves from the unclean practices of their Gentile neighbors in order to seek the Lord, the God of Israel. 22 For seven days they celebrated with joy the Festival of Unleavened Bread, because the Lord had filled them with joy by changing the attitude of the king of Assyria so that he assisted them in the work on the house of God, the God of Israel.

From: biblegateway.com

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

Isaiah 45 (NIV)

“This is what the Lord says to his anointed,
to Cyrus, whose right hand I take hold of
to subdue nations before him
and to strip kings of their armor,
to open doors before him
so that gates will not be shut:
2 I will go before you
and will level the mountains[a];
I will break down gates of bronze
and cut through bars of iron.
3 I will give you hidden treasures,
riches stored in secret places,
so that you may know that I am the Lord,
the God of Israel, who summons you by name.
4 For the sake of Jacob my servant,
of Israel my chosen,
I summon you by name
and bestow on you a title of honor,
though you do not acknowledge me.
5 I am the Lord, and there is no other;
apart from me there is no God.
I will strengthen you,
though you have not acknowledged me,
6 so that from the rising of the sun
to the place of its setting
people may know there is none besides me.
I am the Lord, and there is no other.
7 I form the light and create darkness,
I bring prosperity and create disaster;
I, the Lord, do all these things.

8 “You heavens above, rain down my righteousness;
let the clouds shower it down.
Let the earth open wide,
let salvation spring up,
let righteousness flourish with it;
I, the Lord, have created it.

9 “Woe to those who quarrel with their Maker,
those who are nothing but potsherds
among the potsherds on the ground.
Does the clay say to the potter,
‘What are you making?’
Does your work say,
‘The potter has no hands’?
10 Woe to the one who says to a father,
‘What have you begotten?’
or to a mother,
‘What have you brought to birth?’

11 “This is what the Lord says—
the Holy One of Israel, and its Maker:
Concerning things to come,
do you question me about my children,
or give me orders about the work of my hands?
12 It is I who made the earth
and created mankind on it.
My own hands stretched out the heavens;
I marshaled their starry hosts.
13 I will raise up Cyrus[b] in my righteousness:
I will make all his ways straight.
He will rebuild my city
and set my exiles free,
but not for a price or reward,
says the Lord Almighty.”

14 This is what the Lord says:

“The products of Egypt and the merchandise of Cush,[c]
and those tall Sabeans—
they will come over to you
and will be yours;
they will trudge behind you,
coming over to you in chains.
They will bow down before you
and plead with you, saying,
‘Surely God is with you, and there is no other;
there is no other god.’”

15 Truly you are a God who has been hiding himself,
the God and Savior of Israel.
16 All the makers of idols will be put to shame and disgraced;
they will go off into disgrace together.
17 But Israel will be saved by the Lord
with an everlasting salvation;
you will never be put to shame or disgraced,
to ages everlasting.

18 For this is what the Lord says—
he who created the heavens,
he is God;
he who fashioned and made the earth,
he founded it;
he did not create it to be empty,
but formed it to be inhabited—
he says:
“I am the Lord,
and there is no other.
19 I have not spoken in secret,
from somewhere in a land of darkness;
I have not said to Jacob’s descendants,
‘Seek me in vain.’
I, the Lord, speak the truth;
I declare what is right.

20 “Gather together and come;
assemble, you fugitives from the nations.
Ignorant are those who carry about idols of wood,
who pray to gods that cannot save.
21 Declare what is to be, present it—
let them take counsel together.
Who foretold this long ago,
who declared it from the distant past?
Was it not I, the Lord?
And there is no God apart from me,
a righteous God and a Savior;
there is none but me.

22 “Turn to me and be saved,
all you ends of the earth;
for I am God, and there is no other.
23 By myself I have sworn,
my mouth has uttered in all integrity
a word that will not be revoked:
Before me every knee will bow;
by me every tongue will swear.
24 They will say of me, ‘In the Lord alone
are deliverance and strength.’”
All who have raged against him
will come to him and be put to shame.
25 But all the descendants of Israel
will find deliverance in the Lord
and will make their boast in him.

From: biblegateway.com

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

The Cyrus Cylinder

The Cyrus Cylinder, a barrel-shaped clay tablet with cuneiform inscription

The Cyrus Cylinder is a barrel-shaped clay tablet with a cuneiform inscription. The text was considered very important when it was first discovered in the 19th century, because it seemed to confirm the biblical sources (Isaiah, Ezra and 2 Chronicles) about Cyrus the Great allowing the Jews to return from their captivity in Babylon. Actually, it doesn’t strictly say this, but the text is still a very useful primary source for the rule of Cyrus, and the way he tried to present himself as a ruler.

Cyrus used common themes in Babylonian and Assyrian ideas of good rulership to present himself as the “ideal ruler” after conquering them. He used actions to appeal to the conquered people, such as returning religious statues and restoring the temples.

In the 20th century, the Cyrus Cylinder was used as propaganda by the Iranian Shah Mohammed Reza Palavi in 1971, and led to it being described as the world’s “first human rights charter”. This is one of many examples of an ancient historical text being misinterpreted and used to support modern political propaganda.

In the text of the cylinder, Cyrus says that an incompetent leader (i.e. Nabonidus) was ruling in Babylonia, preventing people from worshipping Marduk (a Babylonian god) in the way they were used to. At this, the gods rise up in anger, and Marduk decides to find a new ruler for Babylonia. He searches everywhere and finds Cyrus, king of Anšan, who he decides shall be king of the whole world. Marduk takes Cyrus and his army, brings him to Babylon and enables him to conquer Babylon peacefully. All the Babylonians revere him, and he goes on to list the actions he took to ensure the welfare of the Babylonians – restoring temples, increasing religious offerings, building works. Cyrus also describes himself as the gods’ favourite, and offers a prayer that the gods will continue to protect and support him. He also lists his lineage (son of Cambyses I, grandson of Cyrus I, and descendent of Teispes) as part of his right to rule.

Translation of Fragment A
The Tyranny of Nabonidus
[1] [When…] …

[2] … of the four quarters

[3] [x x x] /x x\ An incompetent person was installed to exercise lordship over his country.

[4] /and?\ […] he imposed upon them.

[5] A counterfeit of Esagila he ma[de, and…]… for Ur and the rest of the cultic centers,

[6] a ritual which was improper to them, an [unholy] di[splay offering x x x without] fear he daily recited. Irreverently,

[7] he put an end to the regular offerings (and) he in[terfered in the cultic centers; x x x he] established in the sacred centers. By his own plan, he did away with the worship of Marduk, the king of the gods,

[8] he continually did evil against Marduk’s city. Daily, […] without interruption, he imposed the corvée upon its inhabitants unrelentingly, ruining them all.

Marduk’s Anger
[9] Upon hearing their cries, the lord of the gods became furiously angry and [x x x] their borders; the gods who lived among them forsook their dwellings,

[10] angry that he had brought them to Babylon. Marduk, the ex[alted, the lord of the gods], turned towards all the habitations that were abandoned and

Marduk Finds a New King
[11] all the people of Sumer and Akkad, who had become corpses. He was reconciled and had mercy upon them. He examined and checked all the entirety of the lands, all of them,

[12] he searched everywhere and then he took a righteous king, his favorite, by the hand, he called out his name: Cyrus, king of Anšan; he pronounced his name to be king all over the world.

[13] He made the land of Gutium and all the Umman-mandanote bow in submission at his feet. And he{I.e., Cyrus.}} shepherded with justice and righteousness all the black-headed people,

[14] over whom he had given him victory. Marduk, the great lord, guardian of his people, looked with gladness upon his good deeds and upright heart.

Cyrus Takes Babylon
[15] He ordered him to go to his city Babylon. He set him on the road to Babylon and like a companion and a friend, he went at his side.

[16] His vast army, whose number, like water of the river, cannot be known, marched at his side fully armed.

[17] He made him enter his city Babylon without fighting or battle; he saved Babylon from hardship. He delivered Nabonidus, the king who did not revere him, into his hands.

[18] All the people of Babylon, all the land of Sumer and Akkad, princes and governors, bowed to him and kissed his feet. They rejoiced at his kingship and their faces shone.

[19] Lord by whose aid the dead were revived and who had all been redeemed from hardship and difficulty, they greeted him with gladness and praised his name.

Cyrus’ Titles
[20] I am Cyrus, king of the world, great king, mighty king, king of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four quarters,

[21] the son of Cambyses, great king, king of Anšan, grandson of Cyrus, great king, king of Anšan, descendant of Teispes, great king, king of Anšan,

[22] of an eternal line of kingship, whose rule Bêl and Nabu love, whose kingship they desire fot their hearts’ pleasure. When I entered Babylon in a peaceful manner,

The Prince of Peace
[23] I took up my lordly abode in the royal palace amidst rejoicing and happiness. Marduk, the great lord, /established as his fate (šimtu)\ for me a magnanimous heart of one who loves Babylon, and I daily attended to his worship.

[24] My vast army marched into Babylon in peace; I did not permit anyone to frighten the people of [Sumer] /and\ Akkad.

[25] I sought the welfare of the city of Babylon and all its sacred centers. As for the citizens of Babylon, [x x x upon wh]om he imposed a corvée which was not the gods’ wish and not befitting them,

[26] I relieved their weariness and freed them from their service. Marduk, the great lord, rejoiced over [my good] deeds.

Religious Measures
[28] and in peace, before him, we mov[ed] around in friendship. [By his] exalted [word], all the kings who sit upon thrones

[29] throughout the world, from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea, who live in the dis[tricts far-off], the kings of the West, who dwell in tents, all of them,

[30] brought their heavy tribute before me and in Babylon they kissed my feet. From [Babylon] to Aššur and (from) Susa,

[31] Agade, Ešnunna, Zamban, Me-Turnu, Der, as far as the region of Gutium, the sacred centers on the other side of the Tigris, whose sanctuaries had been abandoned for a long time,

[32] I returned the images of the gods, who had resided there, to their places and I let them dwell in eternal abodes. I gathered all their inhabitants and returned to them their dwellings.

[33] In addition, at the command of Marduk, the great lord, I settled in their habitations, in pleasing abodes, the gods of Sumer and Akkad, whom Nabonidus, to the anger of the lord of the gods, had brought into Babylon.

Cyrus’ Prayer
[34] May all the gods whom I settled in their sacred centers ask daily

[35] of Bêl and Nâbu that my days be long and may they intercede for my welfare. May they say to Marduk, my lord: “As for Cyrus, the king who reveres you, and Cambyses, his son,

Translation of Fragment B
[36] [end of prayer].”
The people of Babylon blessed my kingship, and I settled all the lands in peaceful abodes.

Building Activities
[37] I [daily increased the number offerings to N] geese, two ducks, and ten turledoves above the former offerings of geese, ducks, and turtledoves.

[38] […] Dur-Imgur-Enlil, the great wall of Babylon, its de[fen]se, I sought to strengthen

[39] […] The quay wall of brick, which a former king had bu[ilt, but had not com]pleted its construction,

[40] […who had not surrounded the city] on the outside, which no former king had made, (who) a levy of work[men (or: soldiers) had led] in[to] Babylon,

[41] [… with bitumen] and bricks, I built anew [and completed th]eir [job].

[42] [… magnificent gates of cedar] with a bronze overlay, thresholds and door-sockets [cast in copper, I fixed in all] their [doorways].

[43] [x x x] An inscription with the name of Aššurbanipal, a king who had preceded [me, I s]aw [in its midst].

[44] […]

[45] […] for eternity.

From: The Cyrus Cylinder on Livius.com

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

Nabonidus Chronicle

Nabonidus Chronicle, cuneiform inscription on clay tablet
The Nabonidus Chronicle

The Nabonidus Chronicle is an Ancient Babylonian cuneiform inscription on a clay tablet. The text tells the story of the rule of king Nabonidus, the last king of the Babylonian Empire and the conquest of Babylon by the Persian king Cyrus the Great. It covers the period of Cyrus’ accession and rule, and ends with the accession of his son, Cambyses. It is the best primary source on the fall of Babylon and Cyrus the Great’s rise to power.

Although the tablet dates somewhere between the 4th and 1st centuries BC, the original text is considered to have been written in the late 6th or early 5th century BC, and is therefore a contemporary (written around the same period) source for the period.

The tablet is significantly damaged and much of it is missing. However there is enough to follow the story. The text is written year by year, giving the events of each year in turn.

Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, was not in Babylonia for ten years, and instead was attempting to conquer Arabia. In the sixth year, Astyages musters an army and marches against Cyrus, however the army rebel and take Astyages prisoner and hand him over to Cyrus. In the ninth year, Cyrus crosses the river Tigris and kills an unknown king. Finally, in the seventeenth year, Nabonidus returns to Babylon and the Akitu (New Year) festival is able to be celebrated, and the gods appear – however Cyrus attacks and slaughters the Babylonians, Nabonidus flees, but is later captured in Babylon. Cyrus enters Babylon, and there is peace while he speaks. The gods are returned to their places (this is interpreted to mean that the religious statues were returned to the temples, or that the people are able to practice their religions again).

The line-by-line translation of the text from the tablet can be found here: The Nabonidus Chronicle on Livius.com

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

Athenaeus

ATHENAEUS FRAGMENT DK21 B22 at 54E

After these words we arose and took new places on the couches according to each man’s desire, without waiting for the generalissimo of the dinner-forces to act as usher.

Besides the triclinia-dining-rooms with three couches, there were in ancient times rooms with four, seven, Fnine, and even higher numbers. Antiphanes:1 “Gathering you, when you numbered only three, in a three-couch dining-room.” Phrynichus:2 “There was a beautiful room with seven couches, and another still with nine.” Eubulus:3 p209 “A. Set the heptaclinium (‘room with seven couches’). — B. Here you have it. — A. Then bring five Sicilian couches. — B. Any other orders? — A. Yes, five Sicilian cushions.” Amphis:4 “Are you never going to spread the couches in the triclinium?” 48Anaxandrides:5 “A triclinium was quickly made ready and the concert of old men began.” —

“Open, then, the guest-chambers and sweep6 the rooms, strew couches and set a mighty fire ablaze, take down the mixing-bowl and mix our best vintage.”7

“But nowadays,” says the philosopher Plato,8 “people make a distinction regarding the manufacture of bedding, according to whether it is intended to put over us or under us.” So the like-named comic poet says:9 BB”Then they lie down, luxuriously decked, on beds with ivory feet, with coverings dyed in purple, and blankets of Sardis red.” Now the weaving of many-coloured textures reached its height when the Cyprians Acesas and Helicon became the chief artists in the profession; they were celebrated weavers. Helicon was the son of Acesas, according to Hieronymus.10 In Delphi, at any rate, there is an inscription upon a certain work of art which reads: “Made by Helicon of Salamis,11 son of Acesas, upon whose handiwork the queenly Pallas breathed ineffable charm.” An artist comparable to him was the Egyptian Pathymias. —

p211 C”For I have long been frisking where the bed-clothes smell of rose leaves, bathing in dripping unguents,” says Ephippus.12 Aristophanes:13 “You, that revel all night long in perfumed bedding, fondling the mistress!” And Sophron14 has “high-priced wraps, figured with birds.” The most admirable Homer says15 that the bed-clothes under the body were “smooth,” that is, white, not dyed or embroidered whereas the upper coverings were “fair robes of purple colour.”16

DThe Persians were the first, according to Heracleides,17 to institute the so-called “bed-makers,” in order to secure beauty and softness in the coverings.

Now Timagoras (or Entimus from Gortyn in Crete), as Phaenias the Peripatetic tells18 us, once went up to visit the Great King, emulating Themistocles. In his honour Artaxerxes bestowed upon him a tent of extraordinary beauty and size, and a silver-footed bedstead; Ehe also sent rich coverings and a slave to spread them, alleging that the Greeks did not know how to make a bed. This Cretan was even bidden to a breakfast of the king’s relatives, since he had caught the king’s fancy; this was an honour never accorded to any Greek before or since, being exclusively reserved for kinsmen. Certainly the Athenian Timagoras never enjoyed the honour, though he had done obeisance to the king and had p213 been received by him with special favour; but some of the food served to the king was merely sent to him from the table. To the Spartan Antalcidas he sent his own chaplet after dipping it in perfume. But for Entimus he not only did all this, but also invited him to breakfast en famille. FThe Persians took umbrage at this, because they felt that the honour was being vulgarized, and also because new expedition against Greece was impending. But the king sent Entimus a silver-footed bed with its coverings, a tent with gaily-coloured canopy, a silver throne, a gilded sun-shade, twenty gold saucers set with jewels, one hundred large saucers of silver and silver mixing-bowls, one hundred concubines and one hundred slaves, 49and six thousand pieces of gold, beside all that was given to him for his daily necessities.

Tables occur with ivory feet and tops of maple. Thus Cratinus:19 “With gay plumes and glistening spangles there await us here radiant lasses and three-legged tables made of maple.”

When a Cynic20 called the four-legged table a tripod, Ulpian, one of the guests at the savant’s dinner, took exception and said: “To-day ‘I am going to have business on my hands after a period of idleness.’ For where does he get his word ‘tripod’? . . . unless, of course, he counts Diogenes’ staff along with his legs and calls him a tripod, Bwhen everybody else call what are here set before us four-legged tables.”

p215 Yet Hesiod, in The Marriage of Ceyx21 — for even though it is true that the grammarian tribe would divorce these verses from the poet, I think they are ancient — calls four-legged tables tripods. And even the highly gifted Xenophon writes, in Book Seven of the Anabasis:22 “Tripods were brought in for all, and these, numbering about a score, were laden with meat piled high.” And he goes on: “The tables were always placed with particular care opposite the foreign guests.” Antiphanes:23 C”When the tripod had been removed and we were washing our hands.” Eubulus:24 “A. Here are five tripods for you, and again five. — B. I shall turn into a tax-gatherer25 with all these fives!” Epicharmus:26 “A. What is this? — B. A tripod, of course. — A. Why, then, has it four legs? It isn’t a tripos but rather, I think, a tetrapos. B. Well, its name is tripos, though to be sure it has four legs. — A. Then it must have been an Oedipos once — it’s his own riddle you’re thinking of.” Aristophanes:27 “A. Bring us in a table with three legs, Dlet it not have four. — B. Of course; where should I get a three-legged table with four legs?” —

It was a custom at banquets, after the diner had p217 taken his place on the couch, to hand him at once a tablet containing a list of what had been prepared, so that he might know what fare the chef intended to provide. —

Damsons. — Many old writers mention the great and famous city of Damascus. Now in the territory of the Damascenes there is a very large quantity of the so-called cuckoo-apples, cultivated with great skill. EHence this fruit gets the special name of “damson,” excelling the same kind grown in other countries. These, then, are plums, mentioned, among others, by Hipponax:28 “They wore a chaplet of plums and mint.” Alexis:29 “A. Now look you! I’ve seen a vision, I think, which portends victory. — B. Tell it. — A. Attention, then. In the stadium methought one of the contestants, stripped for the fray, came up and crowned me with a circling chaplet of plums. — FB. Great Heracles! — A. Ripe, they were.” And again:30 “Have you ever seen a sweetbread nicely broiled, or a baked stuffed spleen, or a basket of ripe plums? That is how his face looks.”31 Nicander:32 “The apple which they call the cuckoo’s.” But Clearchus the Peripatetic says33 that the Rhodians and the Sicilian Greeks call plums sloes, as does also the Syracusan Theocritus:34 50″Young trees weighted to p219 the ground with sloes. And again:35 “As much as an apple is sweeter than a sloe.” But this fruit, though smaller round than a plum, is the same in taste, but slightly more acrid. Seleucus in his Dialect Lexicon says that êla, cuckoo-apples, and madrya are the same kind of plum. Madrya is for malodrya (“apple-fruit”); brabyla are so called because, being laxative, they “eject the food”;36 and êla is for mêla (“apples”), Baccording to Demetrius Ixion in his Etymology. But Theophrastus says:37 coccymêlea (‘plum-tree’) and spodias (‘bullace’) — the latter is a kind of wild plum-tree;” while Araros38 calls both the plum-tree and its fruit coccymêlon. Diphilus of Siphnos says that these are fairly juicy, perishable, easily excreted, but of little value as food.

Cherries. — Theophrastus on Plants39 “The cherry is a tree of peculiar character and large growth; it even attains a height of twenty-four cubits. Its leaf is similar to that of the medlar, but is tough and broader; its bark is like the linden’s, Cthe blossom is white, resembling the pear and the medlar, composed of tiny flowers, and waxy. The fruit is red, shaped like a persimmon, but in size like a bean. But the stone of the persimmon is hard, while that of the cherry is brittle.” And again:40 “crataegus (‘thorn’), called by others crataegonus; this has an elongated leaf like that of the medlar but is larger, broader, and more oblong; but it has no fissure as the medlar p221 leaf has. The tree does not grow to be either very tall or very thick; Dthe wood is vari-coloured, yellowish and hard. The bark is as smooth as medlar. It has a single root, generally descending deep. The fruit is round like that of the wild olive; as it ripens it becomes yellow and then darkens; it has the flavour and the juiciness of a medlar, whence it may rather be regarded as a wild medlar.” From this description, Athenaeus remarks, the scholar appears to means what we call to-day the cherry.41

Asclepiades of Myrlea, mentioning a kind of bush-cherry, spoke of it thus: “In the country of the Bithynians grows the bush-cherry, the root of which is not large, nor, for that matter, is the tree, Ebut equal in size to the rose-bush; its fruit, in all other respects, resembles the cherry, but it causes drowsiness, as of wine, to those who eat too much, and makes the head ache.” The author thinks, from this description, that Asclepiades is speaking of the arbutus. For not only does the tree bearing this fruit correspond to this description, but it is also true that whoever eats more than seven berries of it gets a headache. Aristophanes:42 “On the mountains, without cultivation, the arbutus-trees used to grow in plenty for their enjoyment.” Theopompus:43 “They eat myrtle-berries and ripe fruit of the arbutus-tree.” Crates:44 “The ripe loveliness of her breasts Fis as the apple or the arbutus-berry.” Amphis:45 “The mulberry-tree, look you, bears mulberries, the ilex acorns, p223 the strawberry-tree arbutus.” Theophrastus:46 “The strawberry-tree, which bears the edible arbutus-berry.”

Concerning a satyr-play called Agên it is disputed whether the author is Python of Catana (or Byzantium) or King Alexander himself.

Larensis, our author’s host, says: “There are many things which you Greeks have appropriated as if you alone had given them names or were the first to discover them; but you are unaware that Lucullus, 51the Roman general who conquered Mithridates and Tigranes, was the first to import into Italy this tree from Cerasus, a city in Pontus. And he is the one who called the fruit cerasus (‘cherry’) from the name of the city, as our Roman historians record.” But a certain Daphnus contradicted him: “Why! Many years before Lucullus a man of note, Diphilus of Siphnos, who flourished in the time of King Lysimachus, one of Alexander’s successors, mentioned cherries in these words: ‘Cherries are wholesome, juicy, but afford little nourishment; Bthey are especially wholesome when eaten uncooked. The red Milesian varieties are superior, being diuretic.’ ”

Mulberries. — Although all other peoples without exception call them by this name (sycamina), the Alexandrians call them mora. Now sycamina are not the fruit of the Egyptian fig-tree, called by some sycomora (“fig-mulberries”). In these latter the natives make a slight incision with a knife, and leave them on the tree. Fanned by the breeze, Cthey grow ripe and fragrant in three days, especially when the winds are from the West, and they are then edible; so much so that the mild coolness they contain makes p225 them fit to be made into a poultice with oil of roses and applied to the stomachs of fever patients, affording no little comfort to the ailing. But this fruit is produced on the Egyptian mulberry directly from the wood, and not from fruit-stalks.47 Mulberries are called mora also by Aeschylus in The Phrygians,48 where he says of Hector: “That poor devil was softer than a mulberry.” And in The Cretan Women,49 of the blackberry: D”It is loaded down at one and the same time with berries white, black, and vermilion.” Sophocles:50 First you will see a white, flowering stalk, then a round mulberry that has turned red.” And Nicander in the Georgics51 explains that it appears earlier than other fruits, and he always calls the mulberry-tree morea, Eas the Alexandrians do: “Then there is the fruit of the mulberry-tree, which is a delight to little boys, and is the first to proclaim the pleasant fruit season to mortals.”

Phaenias of Eresus, disciple of Aristotle, calls the fruit of the wild mulberry moron, and even it is very sweet and pleasant when ripe. He writes:52 “The thorny moron, when its mulberry-like cluster has withered, contains spermatic divisions like . . . salty, and these clefts crumble apart and have a pleasing flavour.” FBut habryna is the name given by Parthenius to mulberries, which some call mora, while the Salaminians call these same berries batia.53 p227 Demetrius Ixion says that sycamina and mora, which are the same, are derived from sycôn ameina (“better than figs”) and haimoroa (“flowing blood”). Diphilus, the physician of Siphnos, writes as follows: “Mulberries, also called mora, are juicy, but give little nourishment; they are wholesome and easily digested. A peculiarity of the unripe ones is that they expel worms.” Pythermus, as quoted by Hegesander, 52records that in his time the mulberries bore no fruit for twenty years, and an epidemic of gout broke out so widespread that even boys, girls, eunuchs, and women, to say nothing of men, caught the disease; and a herd of goats also was so affected by the pest that two-thirds of the animals succumbed to the same calamity.

Walnuts. — Attic and other writers agree in calling all hard-shelled fruits carya (“nuts”); but Epicharmus, like us, uses the word in a particular sense:54 B”Munching dried walnuts and almonds.” Philyllius:55 “Eggs, walnuts, and almonds.” But Heracleon of Ephesus says: “They used to call even almonds and what are now known as chestnuts by the name of carya.” And the tree, carýa, occurs in Sophocles:56 “Walnut-trees and ash-trees.” Eubulus:57 “Beechnuts and Carystian walnuts.” Some varieties also go by the name of mostena.58

Almonds. — The almonds of Naxos were often mentioned in ancient writers, and in fact they are of excellent quality on that island, as I have proved to my own satisfaction, says Athenaeus. CPhrynichus:59 p229 “He has knocked out all my molars, so that I couldn’t crack a Naxian almond.” Excellent almonds also grow on the island of Cyprus; compared with varieties from other countries they are oblong and crooked at the extremity. Seleucus in his Dialect Lexicon says that the Lacedaemonians call the nuts, when the outer skin is still soft, myceri, while the people of Tenos give that name to the nuts when sweet.60 But Amerias says that mycerus is a general name for almond. DAlmonds eaten before the symposium are very provocative of thirst. Eupolis:61 “Let me chew some Naxian almonds and drink wine from Naxian vines.” Now there was a variety of vine called Naxia. Plutarch of Chaeronea tells62 how a physician at the house of Drusus, son of Tiberius Caesar, beat all the others in drinking, until he was detected in the act of eating five or six bitter almonds before the symposium began; when prevented from taking them Ehe could not hold out in the drinking contest in the slightest degree. The cause, therefore, was to be found in the bitterness, which produces dryness and consumes moisture. The word amygdalê (“almond”), according to Herodian of Alexandria,63 is derived from the fact that next to the green part it has many scarifications (amychae).

“An ass you are, going to the husks of sweetmeats,” Philemon somewhere says.64 “Beech-trees, Pan’s delight,” says Nicander in Book II of the Georgics.65

The neuter form amygdalon also occurs. Diphilus:66 p231 F”A sweet, some myrtle-berries, a cheese-cake, almonds.”

With reference to the placing of the accent in the word amygdalê, Pamphilus insists that in speaking of the fruit the grave accent should be used as it is in the neuter amygdalon;67 for the name of the tree, on the other hand, he requires the circumflex, amygdalê, like rhodê.68 So, too, Archilochus:69 “The fair flower of the rose-bush (rhodê).” 53But Aristarchus pronounces both the fruit and the tree in the same way, with the acute accent,70 while Philoxenus puts the circumflex on both.71 So, in Eupolis:72 “You will be the death of me, by the holy almond (amygdalê) you will!” Aristophanes:73 “Come now, take these almonds (amygdalaê) and crack them on your head with a stone.” Phrynichus:74 “An almond (amygdalê) is a good cure for your cough.” While others accent amygdalé like kalé (“beautiful”), Tryphon, in his Accent of Attic Greek,75 makes the name of the fruit (amygdále) — Bto which we give the neuter form amygdalon — paroxytone,76 but the trees he calls amygdalâs, the form being possessive and derived from the name of the fruit, and therefore circumflexed.

Pamphilus in the Dialect Lexicon says that nut-cracker is called by the Lacedaemonians mucerobagos,77 equivalent to “almond-breaker,” since Lacedaemonians call almonds muceri.

The so-called Pontic nuts, which some call peel-nuts, are mentioned by Nicander. But Hermonax, p233 Cand Timachidas in the Dialect Lexicon, say that the Pontic nut is known as Zeus-acorn.78

Heracleides of Tarentum raises the question whether or not dessert should be served first, as in some places of Asia and Hellas, instead of after dinner. If, for example, it is served after dinner, when a good deal of food is in the stomach and intestines, it happens that the nuts then eaten to incite thirst mix with this food and cause winds and fermentation of the food, because they naturally remain on the surface and digest with difficulty; Dhence indigestion and diarrhoea result.

“Almonds,” Diocles remarks, “are nourishing and good for the bowels, and are, moreover, calorific because they contain some of the properties of millet.79 The green are less unwholesome than the dry, the soaked than the unsoaked, the roasted than the raw. But the Heracleot nuts,80 also called Zeus-acorns, are not so nutritious as almonds, and besides have a drying property and lie on the top of the stomach; if too many are eaten they affect the head. Of these nuts, also, the green are less likely to cause trouble than the dry. The Persian nuts81 are as apt to cause headache as the Zeus-acorns, but are more nourishing; Ethey roughen the throat and mouth, but are less noxious when roasted. They are digested more easily than other nuts when eaten with honey. The broad chestnuts are more windy, but when boiled they give less trouble than when raw or roasted, while the roasted are better than the raw.” FPhylotimus p235 says in his work on Food: “The broad chestnut and the so-called Sardis nut are all of them hard to digest and dissolve when raw, since they are held in restraint by the phlegm in the stomach and possess astringency. The Pontic nut, also, is oily and hard to digest, the almond less so. We may, therefore, eat a rather large quantity and still feel no distress; moreover, they seem to be more fatty and produce a sweet, oily juice.” And Diphilus of Siphnos says: 54″ ‘Royal’ nuts82 cause headache, and lie at the top of the stomach. Yet when they are still tender and have been blanched, they are better, being more juicy, while those which are roasted in ovens have little nutriment. Almonds are diuretic, attenuating, cathartic, and of little nutrition. Dried almonds, however, are much more windy and apt to lie on the stomach than the green, which, to be sure, have a poor flavour and are less nourishing. But if they are blanched when still tender though full grown, they are milky and of a better flavour. BAmong dried almonds the Thasian and Cyprian varieties, when still tender, are more easily excreted. The Pontic nuts cause headache, but are less apt to lie on the stomach than the ‘royal.’ ”

Mnesitheus of Athens, in his work on Edibles, says: “In the case of the Euboean nuts or chestnuts (for they are known by both names) disintegration in the stomach is difficult, and the digestive process is attended with wind; but they fatten the system if one can tolerate them. Almonds and the Heracleot and Persian nuts, and others of the same kind are less wholesome than chestnuts. CIn fact none of these varieties should be eaten raw excepting green p237 almonds: some should be boiled, others roasted. For some of them, like dried almonds and Zeus-acorns, are fatty by nature, while others are tough and astringent, such as beech-nuts and similar sorts. The cooking process, therefore, removes the oil from the fatty varieties, that being the most harmful element, while the tough and astringent kinds are softened when one applies a little slow heat.” But Diphilus calls chestnuts “Sardis-acorns” also, and says that they are nourishing and well-flavoured, Dbut hard to assimilate because they remain a long time in the stomach; and though when roasted they are less filling, yet they are more easily digested. But the boiled not only inflate less, but also nourish more than the roasted.

“Lopimon (‘peel-nut’) and caryon the Euboeans called it, but others called it Zeus-acorn,” says Nicander of Colophon in the Georgics.83 But Agelochus calls chestnuts amota: “Wherever the nuts of Sinope grow, there they called the trees amota.”

EChick-peas. — Crobylus:84 “They were playing at cottabos, having eaten a yellow chick-pea, entirely empty. B.: That’s the dessert you would give to a God-forsaken monkey.” Homer:85 “The black-skinned beans or chick-peas hop.” Xenophanes of Colophon, in the Parodies:86 “As you lie stretched upon a soft couch by the fire in the winter season, these should be your words when you have had enough p239 of food, and are sipping sweet wine and munching chick-peas the while: ‘Who art thou among men, whence comest thou, how many are thy years, good sir? How old wert thou when the Mede came upon us?’ ” FSappho:87 “Golden chick-peas grew upon the shores.” Theophrastus, Plants,88 calls some varieties chick-pea “rams.”89 So, also, Sophilus:90 “This girl’s father is easily the biggest ram chick-pea.” And Phaenias in his notes on Plants91 says: “In the category of dessert are pulse, beans, and chick-peas when they are still soft and tender; but when they are dried they are pretty generally served (as vegetables) either boiled or roasted.” Alexis:92 “My man is a pauper, and I am 55an old woman with a daughter and a son, this boy, and this nice girl besides, — five we are in all. If three of us get a dinner, the other two must share with them only a tiny barley cake. Sounds of wailing untuneful we utter when we have nothing, and our complexions grow pale with lack of food. The elements and the sum of our livelihood are these — a bean, a lupine, greens, and a turnip. Pulse, vetch, beech-nut, the bulb of an iris, a cicada, chick-pea, wild pear, and that God-given inheritance of our mother-country, darling of my heart, a dried fig, brought to light from a Phrygian fig-tree.” BPherecrates:93 “You will make the chick-peas p241 tender forthwith.” And again:94 “He choked to death eating roasted chick-peas.” Diphilus says that “chick-peas are hard to digest, but purgative, diuretic, windy.” According to Diocles, they provoke fermentation in the body; but the white varieties, resembling boxwood, are superior to the black, the Milesian better than those called “rams”; the green, moreover, are better than the dried, the soaked better than the unsoaked.

The use of chick-peas was revealed by Poseidon.

CLupines. — “A. Bad cess to him, and all mischief, who has been eating lupines and left the shells in the vestibule, instead of choking as he gulped them down. And more than all . . . . — B. I’m sure it isn’t Cleanthus, the tragedian, who ate them; he wouldn’t have thrown away the peel of any vegetable. He is such an obliging man!”95 DLycophron of Chalcis, in a satyr-play which he wrote in ridicule of the philosopher Menedemus, from whom the sect of the Eretrians received their name, satirizes philosophers’ dinners in these words:96 “And there danced forth the plebeian lupine in lavish abundance, that companion of the paupers’ triclinium.” Diphilus:97 “There is no trade more execrable than the bawd’s. I’d rather tramp the streets peddling roses, radishes, p243 lupine-beans, pressed olive cakes, Eanything at all, than keep these strumpets.” Note the word “lupine-bean,” says Athenaeus, since it is used in this way even to-day. Polemon says98 that the Lacedaemonians call lupines lysilaidae, and Theophrastus records, in Plant Aetiology,99 that “the lupine, bitter vetch, and chick-pea are the only leguminous plants which do not breed worms, on account of their bitterness and sourness.” “The chick-pea,” he declares, “grows black as it decays.” But the same authority, in the third book of the very same treatise,100 says that caterpillars occur in chick-peas. FDiphilus of Siphnos informs us that lupines are purgative and filling, especially if they have been sweetened for a considerable time. Hence it was that Zeno of Citium, who was very harsh and choleric toward his acquaintances, became gentle and bland after absorbing quantities of wine; and when people asked him to explain this change of manner, he answered that he underwent the same process as the lupine; for they too are very sour before they are soaked, but when steeped they become very sweet and mild.

56Calavances. — Spartans at the feasts called Kopides101 (“Cleavers”) serve as dessert dried figs, beans and green calavances. The account of it is in Polemon.102 Epicharmus:103 “Toast some calavances quickly, if Dionysus holds you dear. Demetrius:104 “A fig or a calavance or something like that.”

Olives. — Eupolis:105 “squids and over-ripe olives.” p245 The latter are called druppae by the Romans. Diphilus of Siphnos says Bthat olives afford little nourishment and cause headache; black olives, moreover, are worse for the stomach and oppressive to the head; those called swimmers106 are more wholesome and act as an astringent on the bowels, while black olives are more wholesome if crushed. The crushed olives are mentioned by Aristophanes:107 “Have the olives crushed.” Again: “Olives in brine are not the same as olives crushed in the press.” And a little further on: C”It’s better to use crushed olives than briny.” Archestratus in his Gastronomy writes:108 “Let them serve you with wrinkled, over-ripe olives.” — “Wherefore, in pious memory of Marathon for all time, they all put marathon (‘fennel’) in the briny olives,” says Hermippus.109 Philemon says: “The coarse variety are called ‘bran’ olives, while ‘pressed olives’ is the name given to the black.” Callimachus gives a list of the kinds of olives in the Hecale:110 “The over-ripe and the bran, and the late autumn kind, which is preserved swimming in brine when it is still light green.” DAccording to Didymus,111 over-ripe olives used to be called ischades112 as well as gergerimoi. Moreover, without adding the word “olives” they were in the habit of using “over-ripes” substantively. Thus Telecleides:113 “Let him entreat me after a while to consort with over-ripes and barley cakes, and feed on sprays of chervil.”114 p247 The Athenians used to call pressed olives stemphyla, while brytea was their word for what we call stemphyla, being really pressed grapes. The word brytea comes from botrys (“bunch of grapes”).

Radishes. — These have their name from the ease (radiôs) with which they are produced. EThe last syllable (-is) is either long or short in Attic. Cratinus has it long:115 “The radishes, but not the other vegetables, have come to a decision.” Eupolis makes it short:116 “unwashed radishes and squids.” That the word “unwashed” is to be construed with “radishes” and not with “squids” is proved by Antiphanes117 writing the following: “To gobble up ducks, honey-comb, nuts, eggs, honey cakes, unwashed radishes, turnips, gruel, and honey.” Properly the term “unwashed” was applied in this way to radishes which were called Thasian. FPherecrates:118 “We have on hand an unwashed radish, hot baths ready, stewed pickle-fish, and nuts.” The diminutive form rhaphanidion occurs in Plato, Hyperbolus:119 “A little lettuce leaf or bit of radish.” Theophrastus in his Plants120 says that there are five kinds of radish — Corinthian, Leiothasian, Cleonaean, Amorean, and Boeotian; by some, however, the Leiothasian is called Thracian; the sweetest is the Boeotian, and it is round in shape; in general, he adds, the varieties with smooth leaves are sweeter. But 57Callias uses the word rhaphanos of the radish. For, in explaining the antiquity of comedy he says:121 “Pease-porridge, fire, turnips, radishes (rhaphanoi), ripe olives, phallic cakes.” That he really means p249 radishes is proved by Aristophanes. For he also writes about the antiquity of comedy in the Danaids, and says:122 “The chorus would dance wrapped up in rugs and bundles of bedding, sticking under their arm-pits ribs of beef, sausages, and radishes.” BThe radish, moreover, is a very cheap article of food. Amphis:123 “Any man who goes to market to get some delicacy and prefers to buy radishes when he may enjoy real fish must be crazy.”

Pine kernels. — Mnesitheus the Athenian physician, in his work on Edibles, calls the seeds of conifers ostracides124 and again he calls them cones.125 But Diocles of Carystus calls them “pine-nuts,” while the Myndian Alexander calls them “pine-cones.” Theophrastus gives the name peucê (“pine”) to the tree, but calls its fruit “cone.” CBut Hippocrates in the work on Tisane,126 half of which is spurious (some even think the whole is), calls them coccali (“kernels”). Most authorities, however, call them pyrenes (“stones”), as does Herodotus also in speaking of the Pontic nut. For he says127 that “this has a kernel when it is ripe.” Diphilus of Siphnos says: “These cones are nourishing, they smooth the bronchial tubes and clear the organs of the diaphragm by means of the resinous principle contained in them.” DMnesitheus, also, agrees that they fatten the body and produce no ill effects on digestion; they are also diuretic and do not inhibit the action of the bowels.

p251 Eggs. — Anaxagoras, in the Physics,128 explains that the popular expression “bird’s milk” means the white of an egg. Concerning eggs, compare Aristophanes:129 “In the beginning Night laid a wind-egg (oon). Sappho makes130 the word a trisyllable: “They say, you know, that Leda once found an egg (oion).” And again:131 “much whiter than an egg.” But Epicharmus said oeon:132 “eggs (oea) of the goose and of winged fowls.” So also Simonides in the second book of his Iambic Verses:133 “like the egg of a Maeander goose.” EAnaxandrides even extended it to four syllables when he said134 oaria. And Ephippus:135 “Little jars of date-wine, egglets, too, and many other like toys.” Alexis, I believe, speaks of slices of egg.136 Wind-eggs they used to call hypenemia as well as anemiaea. “What is known among us to-day as the upper-story (hyperoon) of a house they used to call an egg (oon),” says Clearchus in the Amatoria,137 Fexplaining that since Helen was reared in an upper-story she caused the report to spread that she had sprung from an egg. But Neocles of Croton was mistaken in saying that the egg from which Helen sprang fell from the moon; for, though the moon-women lay eggs, their offspring are fifteen times larger than we are, as Herodorus of Heracleia records.138 Ibycus, in the fifth book of his Lyrics, says of the Molionidae:139 58″I likewise slew the white-horsed p253 youths, sons of Molionê, equal in age and in height, with their limbs joined in one, both hatched in a silver egg.” Ephippus:140 “Sesame-cakes, bonbons, . . . honey-cakes, milk-cake, and a hecatomb of eggs — all these we nibbled at.” Sucked eggs are mentioned by Nicomachus:141 “My father left me a tiny bit of property, but in a few months I squeezed it up and pipped it out as dry as one would suck an egg.” And goose eggs are mentioned by Eriphus:142 “A. Eggs white, indeed, and large. — BB. Goose eggs, in my opinion. And yet he says that Leda laid them!” Epaenetus and Heracleides of Syracuse in the Art of Cookery say that peacocks’ eggs excel all others; after them come the eggs of the fox-goose; they put hens’ eggs third.

Appetizers.143 — After the first appetizer was drunk all round, says Athenaeus, the master of ceremonies, who was Ulpian, asked whether the word for “appetizer,” propoma, was found in any author in the sense in which we use it. While the others were racking their brains he answered, “I will tell you myself, CPhylarchus of Athens (or Naucratis), in the passage dealing with Zelas, king of Bithynia (the same who invited the leaders of the Gauls to an entertainment with treacherous designs against them, but was killed himself) says,144 if I have the luck to remember it: ‘An appetizer (propoma) was handed round before dinner, as had been the custom in the beginning.’ ” After delivering himself of this wisdom, Ulpian asked for a drink from the cooler, expressing p255 great satisfaction in his ready memory. Among the ingredients used in the preparation of these “fore-drinks” Athenaeus mentions particularly the following.

DMallows. — Hesiod:145 “And they knew not how much virtue lies in the mallow or the asphodel.” Malachê (“mallow”) is the Attic form, but I146 have found it, he says, written with an o in many copies of Antiphanes’ Minos:147 “eating the root of the molochê.” So Epicharmus:148 “I am more gentle than a molochê.” Phaenias in the work on Plants says:149 “In the cultivated mallow the seed mould is called placenta, being similar in appearance; Efor its comb-like structure may be compared to the base of the placenta, and in the middle of the placenta-like mass the central point resembles a navel. When the base is removed this mass looks like a cross-section of the sea-urchin.” The Siphnian Diphilus records that the mallow is juicy, softening the bronchial tubes and carrying off the bitter humour at the top of the stomach; it is, accordingly, a specific for irritations of the kidneys and bladder; Fit is also nourishing and quite easily digested, though the wild is better than the garden variety. And Hermippus, the disciple of Callimachus, also says150 that the mallow is an ingredient of the remedy known as alimon, also adipson, being very useful for the purpose.151

p257 Gourds.152 — Euthydemus of Athens, in his work on Green Vegetables, calls the gourd “Indian sikya,” because the seed was imported from India. The Megalopolitans call it sikyonia.153 Theophrastus says154 that it is impossible to put all gourds in a single category, some being better, others poorer. 59But Menodorus, disciple of Erasistratus and a friend of Hicesius, says that of the gourds there are the Indian, all called sikya, and the colocynth. Further, the Indian is generally boiled, but the colocynth may also be baked.155 Yet even to this day the colocynth is called “Indian” by the Cnidians. The Hellespontines call the long gourds sikyae,156 but the round gourds they call colocynths. BDiocles says that colocynths grow best in Magnesia, and are, moreover, quite round, very large, sweet, and wholesome; the best cucumber grows in Antiochia, the best lettuce in Smyrna and Galatia, the best rue in Myra.157 Diphilus says: “The colocynth is not filling; it is easily digested, adds moisture to the system, is easily passed, and juicy. It is more wholesome when eaten with water and vinegar, and has more flavour when seasoned; more apt to cause thinness when eaten with mustard, and more digestible and more easily excreted when boiled.” And Mnesitheus says: “All vegetables which are easily affected by the action of heat, such as the cucumber, the pumpkin, quinces, sparrow-quinces, and the like, when eaten p259 cooked, may afford but little nourishment to the body; but they are innocuous and provide moisture. CYet they are all apt to check the action of the bowels,158 and should preferably be eaten boiled.” Attic writers use one word, colocynth, for them all. Hermippus:159 “What a huge head he has! As big as a pumpkin.” Phrynichus160 uses a diminutive form: “A little bit of barley cake or pumpkin.”161 Epicharmus has162 the regular form: “Surely it is much more healthful than a pumpkin.”

Epicrates the comic poet has the following:163 D”A. What about Plato and Speusippus and Menedemus? On what subjects are they discoursing to-day? What weighty idea, what crucial point is now debated in their school? Tell me wisely, if you’ve come with any knowledge, for the land’s sake, tell me. — B. Why, yes, I can tell you about these fellows with certainty. At the Panathenaea I saw a troop of lads . . . at the playground of the Academy I heard words unutterable, extraordinary. For they were making definitions about nature, Eand separating into categories the ways of beasts, the nature of trees, the kinds of vegetables; and in the course of it they were seeking to determine what species the pumpkin p261 belonged to. — A. And what conclusion, then, did they reach, and of what species is the plant? Tell me, if you really know. B. Well, then; in the first place, they all in silence took their station and with heads bowed low they reflected a long time. Then suddenly, while the lads were still bending low in study, one said it was a round vegetable, Fanother said it was grass, a third a tree. On hearing that, a physician from Sicily could contain himself no longer, and snapped his fingers at them for a pack of lunatics. — A. They must have got awfully angry at that, I suppose, and cried out that it was a shameful insult? For to do that kind of thing in the club lounge is indecent. — B. No, the lads didn’t mind it at all. And Plato, who was standing by, very mildly, and without irritation, told them to try again to define the species to which the pumpkin belongs. So they set to inquiring.”

The witty Alexis serves a complete appetizer for the discriminating:164 60″I arrived uninvited at the moment when the affair was hurrying to a climax.165 Water was poured over my hands. A slave came with the table; on it lay no cheese, no assortment of olives, no dainty entrées or fol-de-rol to offer us their generous smell; on the contrary, there was set before us a platter with a marvellous smell of the Seasons, shaped like the hemisphere of Heaven’s p263 vault. For all the beauties of the constellations were on it — fish, kids, the scorpion166 running between them, while slices of egg represented the stars. We laid hands upon it. BThe man next me was busy talking to me and nodding his head, and so the whole labour devolved upon me. I never reached the end until I had dug into that platter and made it look like a sieve.”

(From: penelope.uchicago.edu)

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

Themes in Ancient Persian History

There are many themes to explore in the study of Ancient Persian History, including the architecture of the buildings and cities, depictions of kings, heroes and deities, the relationship between rulers and nature. But for the purposes of this article, three main themes will be discussed: Kingship, the expansion of the Achaemenid territory, and their interactions with peoples of other cultures.

Kingship

The values and beliefs of the Achaemenid kings were reflected in their cuneiform inscriptions carved into the walls of buildings and the bases of statues.

The Achaemenids were very concerned with the legitimacy of their rule, and often used inscriptions to claim direct lineage from previous rulers. They also frequently claim that their rule and their conquest of other regions and peoples was approved of by their deities, especially Ahuramazda, whom they venerated above all other deities.

In the Cyrus Cylinder, Cyrus is called upon by Marduk, a Babylonian god, as his chosen ruler:

“He [Marduk] searched everywhere and then he took a righteous king, his favourite, by the hand, he called out his name: Cyrus, king of Ansan; he pronounced his name to be king all over the world.”

The Cyrus Cylinder, section 12

In the Behistun Inscription, Darius claims his right to rule is legitimised by his lineage:

“I am Darius, the great king, king of kings, the king of Persia, the king of countries, the son of Hystaspes, the grandson of Arsames, the Achaemenid.

King Darius says: My father is Hystaspes; the father of Hystaspes was Arsames; the father of Arsames was Ariaramnes; the father of Ariaramnes was Teispes; the father of Teispes was Achaemenes.

King Darius says: That is why were are called Achaemenids; from antiquity we have been noble; from antiquity has our dynasty been royal.”

The Behistun Inscription, column i, sections 1-3

Darius goes on to claim that Ahuramazda is responsible for his rule:

“King Darius says: By the grace of Ahuramazda am I king; Ahuramazda has granted me the kingdom.”

The Behistun Inscription, column i, section 5

Expansion of Territory

The expansion of territory controlled by the Achaemenids was a characteristic of their rule. The Persian kings sought to continue the work of their predecessors, and justified their conquests of other lands as being aligned with the will of their god, Ahuramazda.

In the Behistun Inscription, Darius continues by saying:

“These are the countries which are subject to me; by the grace of Ahuramazda they became subject to me […] Ahuramazda has granted me this empire; by the grace of Ahuramazda I hold this empire.”

The Behistun Inscription, column i, sections 7-9

As well as expanding their territory, the Achaemenid kings were concerned with large-scale building projects and the creation of cities and palaces within their empire. Xerxes, in the inscription on the Gate of All Nations, draws upon his father’s building work as a foundation to build upon further:

“King Xerxes says: by the favour of Ahuramazda this Gate of All Nations I built. Much else that is beautiful was built in this Persepolis, which I built and my father built.”

Gate of All Nations Inscription, lines 11-17

Interactions with Other Peoples

An interesting theme when studying the Achaemenid Empire is their attitudes towards, and treatment of, the other peoples and cultures they come into contact with. There is some variation in how certain cultures were treated by the Persians, compared with others.

For example, when Cyrus the Great took control of Babylon, he claims:

“My vast army marched into Babylon in peace; I did not permit anyone to frighten the people of Suner and Akkad. I sought the welfare of the city of Babylon and all its sacred centres. As for the citizens of Babylon, […] I relieved their weariness and freed them from their service. Marduk, the great lord, rejoiced over my good deeds.”

The Cyrus Cylinder, sections 24-26

On the other hand, in the Daiva Inscription, Xerxes claims to have prevented a group of people from worshipping what he calls “demons” and instead orders them to worship Ahuramazda instead:

“And among these countries there was a place where previously demons were worshippied. Afterwards, by the grace of Ahuramazda I destroyed that sanctuary of demons, and I proclaimed: The demons shall not be worshipped! […] Worship Ahuramazda at the proper time and in the proper manner.”

The Daiva Inscription, section 4

One statue of Darius is interesting in that it is in an Egyptian style, with Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions reading:

“His Majesty has consecrated this long-lasting statue fashioned in his likeness so that the memory of his spirit would dwell forever next to Atum.”

Statue of Darius, Susa

Atum is an Egyptian deity, and it would appear that Darius reveres the Egyptian god in this inscription. However, another inscription on the same statue is in Persian cuneiform, and reads:

“A great god is Ahuramazda […] This is the statue, made of stone, which Darius ordered to be made in Egypt. This is how everyone who will see this in the future, will know that the Persian man ruled in Egypt.”

Statue of Darius, Susa, DSab Inscription

Darius is giving two very different messages here; one intended for his Egyptian subjects which purports to present himself as a pharoah, an Egyptian ruler who worships an Egyptian god. The other, intended for his Persian audience, proclaims his veneration for Ahuramazda and his Persian rule over a foreign land.

So we can see from these inscriptions that the Achaemenids’ attitudes towards the peoples they conquered and ruled was sometimes quite complex and nuanced; although they appeared in their inscriptions to be tolerant of other deities and cultural practices, they also had an empire to run. From these inscriptions it would appear that the Achaemenids had a strategic approach to ruling over other peoples, where they would appeal to people in their own language and using their own cultural and religious symbols.

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments

Ancient Persia – Primary Sources

Herodotus – 5th Century BC

“This is the display of the inquiry of Herodotus of Helicarnassus, so that things done by man not be forgotten in time, and that great and marvellous deeds, some displayed by the Hellenes, some by the barbarians, not lose their glory, including among others what was the cause of their waging war on each other.”

Herodotus, The Histories 1.1 “Preface”

So begins Herodotus’ work The Histories (‘ἱστορία’ meaning ‘enquiries’ in Greek), a document recording Herodotus’ enquiries into the reasons for the Greek-Persian wars.

Herodotus Ancient Greek Source
Bust of Herodotus

Herodotus was an ancient Greek historian, born in Helicarnassus (modern day Bodrum, Turkey), a city in Lydia, which was at that time a part of the Persian Empire. He lived between c. 484 and 425 BC.

Herodotus is sometimes known as the ‘Father of History’ (according to Cicero) or the first historian, since he broke away from previous writing styles of recording deeds in epic poetry intermingled with mythology and supernatural beings. Herodotus instead sought to preserve the facts of the events where possible, and sometimes gave two accounts he had heard, when he could not ascertain which was true.

Herodotus wrote about the Persian Achaemenid Kings such as Cyrus the Great, Darius the Great and Xerxes; and about the events leading up to and contributing to tensions between the Persians and the Greeks, and about their battles, victories and defeats.

However, he was also prone to digressing, about all sorts of other subjects, in order to give the background information he felt necessary for his reader to understand the situation. Although all these digressions can sometimes make the narrative difficult to follow, it has provided modern historians with a wealth of information about the geography of the region, ethnography of the diverse peoples and cultures, descriptions of buildings and cities, transport, administration of the empire and the strategies used in warfare, helping us to build up a picture of the ancient world in and around Greece, Asia Minor and the Middle East.

Although Herodotus has not always been accepted as reliable, for many events of this period he is our only literary source. Sometimes there are other conflicting accounts which call into question his reliability; however on the whole most historians accept that Herodotus is fairly reliable, although it is always worth bearing in mind that no writer is completely free from bias.

Xenophon – 5th / 4th Century BC

Xenophon Ancient Greek Source
Bust of Xenophon

Xenophon was an Athenian Greek philosopher, soldier and historian, and a student of the famous philosopher Socrates. Xenophon was a mercenary in the Persian army under Cyrus the Younger.

He wrote a number of works, including ‘Hellenica’ covering the final years of the Peloponnesian War, and ‘Anabasis’ about the expedition of Cyrus the Younger against his brother Artaxerxes II, in which Xenophon took part alongside Cyrus the Younger, and about their journey home.

But for the Achaemenid period, the most important work is the ‘Cyropaedia’, which he wrote about the background and rule of Cyrus the Great, founder of the Achaemenid Empire, a ruler Xenophon admired and idealised. Xenophon’s ‘Cyropaedia’ was not just intended as a history of the life of Cyrus the Great, but as a way of setting out his beliefs about rulership, and his political and moral philosophy. Therefore some of his writings have an ulterior motive and therefore we have to be careful when using this source.

Compared to Herodotus’ versions of events, Xenophon often embellishes the truth and fictionalises some of the events of Cyrus’ life. However there are occasions where Xenophon’s account is taken as the more likely, such as his version of Cyrus’ accession to the throne of Medea.

As with all primary sources, and particularly ancient sources, it is always important to bear in mind the potential bias in the writings of any given author. Almost everyone will have a preference for one ruler over another, or one philosophy over another, and therefore their beliefs will be reflected in their writing.

Ctesias – 5th Century BC

Ctesias Ancient Greek Source
Bust of Ctesias

Ctesias was born in Cnidus, Caria, which was near to Helicarnassus and also a part of the Persian Empire at the time he lived there (modern day Turkey). He was a physician to Artaxerxes II, whom he accompanied in expedition against his brother Cyrus the Younger. (Remember, Xenophon fought as a mercenary with Cyrus the Younger against Artaxerxes II.)

His work ‘Persica’ was written about the history of Assyria and Babylon prior to the founding of the Persian Empire, and covers the history of the Achaemenid kings until 398 BC. The work was written in opposition to Herodotus, to give an opposing view.

‘Persica’ only comes down to us in fragments that have been preserved in the writings of other authors, including Photius, who made an abridgement of Ctesias’ work, and the writings of Athanaeus, Plutarch and Diodorus Siculus.

Ctesias’ history of Assyria does not always agree with the archaeological evidence (cuneiform inscriptions). Later writers do not credit Ctesias with much reliability, but it is useful to have a contrasting view to that of Herodotus, which in many cases is our only or main source. Sometimes it is necessary to evaluate and compare two or more sources relating to an event and use our best judgement to work out which is more likely to be true.

Cuneiform Inscriptions

Fortunately, we do not need to rely on Greek writers alone. We also have a number of cuneiform inscriptions from the period, commissioned by the Achaemenid kings themselves. Cuneiform is a type of script made by carving or chiselling wedge-shaped marks into stone, metal or clay to produce characters (see the image below for an example). It was first used by the Sumerians, but many cultures of Mesopotamia used cuneiform script including the Elamites, Assyrians and Babylonians, and indeed the Achaemenid kings used it to leave inscriptions on the walls and friezes of their palaces, and on the bases of statues.

Cuneiform Inscription Ancient Persia
A sample of cuneiform script showing the wedge-shaped marks used to create the characters.

Cuneiform inscriptions are useful because they give us an insight into the beliefs and values of the Achaemenid kings themselves, and of the image they wished to portray, to other rulers, their citizens and their enemies.

Although these inscriptions are a form of propaganda – a deliberate portrayal of a ruler in a particular light, in order to influence the way they are perceived by their enemies or their subjects – and are therefore not completely reliable as a factual interpretation of events, they are nevertheless useful for gaining an understanding into the motives of the kings, the views they held, and the messages they wanted to convey.

Among the most useful cuneiform inscriptions for this period are:

  • The Cyrus Cylinder – an account of Cyrus’ accession to the throne of Medea and Persia that contradicts Herodotus.
  • The Behistun Inscription – a long inscription in which Darius I claims lineage to previous kings and therefore authority to rule; lists of his conquered territories, narratives to other events, and some of his religious beliefs.
  • Darius’ Tomb Inscriptions – outlines Darius’ ideas of good and bad citizenship, what he expects from his subjects.
  • Xerxes’ inscriptions at the Gate of All Nations – contains Xerxes’ claim to have continued the work of his father
  • People Lists – there are a number of these, and can be found with frieze depictions of people in various cultural/ethnographic costumes bearing local produce. The inscriptions list the names of the groups of people that the depictions relate to.

There are many more inscriptions that are useful for the study of the Achaemenid period, which will be looked at in more depth in other articles.

Posted by Admin in The Persian Empire 559-465 BC, 0 comments